Calendar rites and holidays of Russians in the Astrakhan province were associated with Orthodox saints.
Wherever they arrived, they saw the holiday everywhere
Walking. Artist Boris Kustodiev, 1910.
Astrakhan province is a territory of interethnic interaction of numerous peoples. Each village in it was famous for its traditions, rituals, songs, crafts. The hard life of the Astrakhan fisherman and plowman did not favor an abundance of holidays. But nevertheless, the inhabitants of Russian villages and settlements widely celebrated folk celebrations: eve and Nativity of Christ (December 25), Epiphany (January 6), Melania the Roman (January 13), Maslenitsa, Easter of Christ, Krasnaya Gorka (April 23), Fomin day (October 6).
On the eve of Christmas, boys and girls went to carols.
In the village of Solodniki, Melania was praised at that time. Wealthy owners forced young people to wallow in the snow. According to popular beliefs, this contributed to a large offspring of sheep. Carollers were presented with dried apples and peas.
On Christmas Day, all the village children went to praise Christ. Entering the houses of their neighbors, they performed the first irmos of the Nativity Canon, the troparion and the kontakion of the holiday.
In addition, they sang recitatively or recited Christmas rhymes, for which the owners were supposed to treat the young Christian Orthodox with food or money:
Items of peasant life in the exhibition Culture and life of the peoples of the region in the Astrakhan Museum of Ethnography.
Christ is born, praise:
Christ from heaven, shake:
Christ on earth, ascends:
Sing, Lord, all the earth,
and sing with joy, people,
like become famous.
Thy Christmas, Christ our God,
ascending the world and the light of reason:
it serves the stars,
i learn from the star,
Bow to you, the Sun of Truth,
and lead you from the height of the East:
Lord, glory to Thee.
Virgo is the Most Substantial
gives birth,
and land the nativity scene
brings:
angels with shepherds praise,
the wise men travel with the star:
for the sake of us born Otrocha is young,
Eternal God.
Fragment of the exposition Culture and life of the peoples of the region. Russians in the Astrakhan Museum of Ethnography.
The first Christian who entered the house was put on a fur coat, spreading it on a bench in the front corner. This was done to keep sheep and chickens. The fur coat could also be put on the floor.
Early in the morning on the old New Year, young sowers (as in the Russian settlements of the Arkhangelsk province they called the children who congratulated the villagers on the holiday) went from house to house and praised the owners. In the front corner of the room, under the icons, they sowed, scattered the brought cereals, with the words: I sow, I sow, I wish you Happy New Year! Grow, rye, wheat, peas, lentils.
Types of folk clothing and household items common on the territory of the Astrakhan province.
Adults - both men and women - christened much later, closer to noon. An integral part of Christmas-time entertainment is fortune-telling about marriage. The girls went to bewitch at night in the chicken coop. We caught chickens in the dark and looked at who got what. Then they poured water into a plate, put a mirror, poured grain and each watched its own bird. If she drank water - to a drunken husband, pecked grain - to a rich groom, looked in the mirror - to a farcical betrothed. If a girl was not catching a chicken in the dark, but a rooster, she should be married to a widower.
On Christmastide they dressed up and made masks. For their manufacture, used natural materials at hand.
On Epiphany Christmas Eve, young villagers divined their fortunes, and also gave and delivered kutya to relatives. On the morning of Epiphany, the whole village went to the Jordan - an ice-hole in a reservoir for ablutions. It was cooked the day before. Isolde carved a throne, a cross and doves. Not far from Jordan, another font was made to wash the elderly and the sick. After immersion in the icy water, vitality returned to them.
The carousel is spinning, for the spring the earth turns
Gingerbread seal.
Especially for Pancake Week, the men erected carousels.
The animals harnessed to them personified the solar cycle. On a wide Thursday, Shrovetide revelry began, riding on troikas of harnessed horses. As a rule, on the last day of Maslenitsa he organized other competitions. The Forgiveness Day abounded in ritual activities. In the first half of it, they made a ritual round of relatives and asked for forgiveness for the offenses inflicted during the year, in the second, all residents gathered for horse races.
At the end of the 20th century, the tradition of celebrating Maslenitsa and burning its effigy returned to Russian villages.
During the days of Great Lent, all the inhabitants of Russian villages were engaged in their daily activities and worked. The women spun, weaved, knitted. The peasants were playing around, getting ready for the spring. On Wednesday, the fourth, Seredokrestnaya, week of Great Lent, the hostesses baked ritual cookies for children in the form of crosses.
Wedding feast. Artist Boris Kustodiev, 1917.
During the sowing campaign, one of them was broken and given to the horses to eat.
On the feast day of the forty Sebastian martyrs - Christian warriors from the city of Sebastia - they also prepared ceremonial cookies are larks. Local kids climbed into the sheds, threw a delicacy high and clicked spring.
In the center of the ritual cookie, they put a coin, caramel candy,
lentils or peas for good luck.
Many nomadic peoples settled in our region. Almost everyone remembers ancestral traditions and legends. And we want to tell you about the friendly and native people - Kazakh, the most indigenous. Many nomadic peoples settled in our region. Almost everyone remembers ancestral traditions and legends. And we want to tell you about the friendly and native people - Kazakh, the most indigenous.
Like many nomadic pastoralists, the Kazakhs have preserved the memory of their tribal structure. Almost everyone remembers their generic names, and the older generation also remembers tamgas ("tanba"), emblems for livestock and property. Among the Lower Volga Kazakhs, the Tulengit clan was further developed in the past by the guardsmen and the Sultan's guards, who willingly accepted brave foreigners from prisoners there. Like many nomadic pastoralists, the Kazakhs have preserved the memory of their tribal structure. Almost everyone remembers their generic names, and the older generation also remembers tamgas ("tanba"), emblems for livestock and property. Among the Lower Volga Kazakhs, the Tulengit clan was further developed in the past by the guardsmen and the Sultan's guards, who willingly accepted brave foreigners from prisoners there.
At present, the best traditions of the Kazakh people are being restored and developed both in the general ethnic and regional - Astrakhan, Lower Volga variants. The regional society of Kazakh national culture "Zholdastyk" is engaged in this. These issues are covered in the regional newspaper in the Kazakh language "Ak arna" ("Clean spring"). Days of Kazakh culture are held in the region, dedicated to the memory of an outstanding figure of folk art, our countrywoman Dina Nurpeisova and her teacher, the great Kurmangazy Sagyrbaev, buried in Altynzhar.
In December 1993, the administration of the Astrakhan region was awarded the first prize for peace and harmony, established by the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan. This undoubtedly serves as a recognition of the good relations between the nationalities in the region, the positive cooperation of the entire multinational population of the region.
Women's national costume consists of a white cotton or colored silk dress, a velvet vest with embroidery, a high cap with a silk scarf. Elderly women wear a kind of hood made of white fabric - kimeshek. Brides wear a high headdress richly decorated with feathers - saukele
The traditional Kazakh dwelling - a yurt - is very comfortable, quick to build and a beautiful architectural structure. This is due to the fact that the way of life of the Kazakhs was determined by the main occupation - cattle breeding. In the summer, they roamed with their herds in search of pastures, and with the onset of cold weather they settled in winter huts. The dwelling of the Kazakhs is in a yurt, in winter - a not particularly large "hut" with a flat roof.
National characteristics and traditions are firmly preserved in the Kazakh national cuisine. It has long been based on livestock products - meat and milk. Later, with the development of agriculture, Kazakhs began to use flour products .. National characteristics and traditions in the Kazakh national cuisine are firmly preserved. It has long been based on livestock products - meat and milk. Later, with the development of agriculture, Kazakhs began to consume flour products ..
The material and spiritual life of the Kazakhs is reflected in the historical tradition - "salt" and the customs of the people - "zhora-zhosyn". There is a lot of historically valuable in the social, legal and household terminology preserved in historical legends.
The ceremony of putting the baby in the cradle of the besiktoy is organized on the third day after birth. According to legend, before this time, the baby cannot be put in the cradle, spirits can replace him with a freak. The ceremony is accompanied by the magic song "besik zhyry", it scares away evil forces. An important role in the ceremony is given to the "kinik sheshe" elderly woman who cut the umbilical cord during childbirth.
In the aul, the bride and groom were greeted with a traditional chant called "bet ashar" (opening the bride's face). "Bet Ashar" had its own canonical text of two parts: in the first part, the bride was usually introduced to the groom's parents and residents of the same village, the second part consisted of edifications and instructions to the bride who had just crossed the threshold of her family hearth. In the song, the bride was given advice on how to behave in a married life. In addition to kalym, various ritual gifts are prepared from the groom's side: for the mother - day aky (for mother's milk), for the father -toy mal (wedding expenses), for the bride's brothers - tartu (saddles, belts, etc.), for the bride's close relatives - kede ... The poor often received help from relatives and friends in such cases.
The bride's parents did not remain in debt either. In case of collusion, they had to bring in the so-called "kargy bau" - a guarantee of the conspiracy's fidelity, "whale" - gifts to the matchmakers. The bride's dowry (zhasau) cost them very dearly, sometimes exceeding the cost of the kalym. Parents ordered a wedding headdress (saukele) and a cart (kuime). Wealthy parents supplied the bride with a summer home (otau type take) with all its equipment.
In our region there are countless different peoples. You don't need to be a prophet, everyone knows this: We honor it as an honor to live together. Respect for culture, anyone helps us in this! In our region there are countless different peoples. You don't have to be a prophet, everyone knows this: We honor it as an honor to live together. Respect for culture, anyone helps us in this!
The Muslim holidays Eid al-Adha and Eid al-Adha were especially revered holidays among the Astrakhan Tatars. New Year's holiday Navruz was celebrated on March 10 according to the old style, celebrating at the same time the onset of spring: they went out into the fields, performed namaz, treated themselves to ceremonial porridge, and held various competitions (horse races, wrestling).
The rite of circumcision in the Muslim world has long been considered an important sign of a man's belonging to Islam. This, apparently, explains the important role of this rite among the Yurt Tatars of the Astrakhan Territory, both in the past and in the present. Earlier, at the end of the 19th - the first half of the 20th centuries, the circumcision rite (Tat.-Yurt. Sunnet) was more archaic and diverse than now. Circumcision was usually performed between seven days and seven years of age. An uncircumcised person was considered "unclean." The responsibility for the performance of the ceremony lay with the parents, relatives and guardians. They prepared for the sunnet in advance. Two or three weeks before the ceremony, guests were notified and invited: mullahs, village elders, Khushavaz singers, musicians (sazche and cabalche), male relatives, neighbors. For the boy, they sewed special elegant clothes made of silk and velvet. On the appointed day, the boy was dressed up, seated together with other children on a decorated cart and taken through the streets of the village, stopping by to visit relatives who presented the hero of the occasion with gifts. All this was accompanied by funny songs with musical accompaniment. When the boy returned home, a mullah, his father, two unfamiliar men and a Sunnetche Baba, a circumcision specialist, were waiting for him in a separate room. Mullah recited prayers from the Koran. Then the actual circumcision proceeded: the men held the boy by the legs, and the Sunnetche quickly cut off the foreskin, while distracting the child with soothing phrases (eg: "Now you will become a big guy!"). The cry of a child signified a successful outcome of the ceremony. As a signal, he was immediately picked up by the boys in the other room, shouting "ba-ba-ba" or "hurray" and clapping his hands to drown out the cry. After circumcision, the wound was sprinkled with ashes and the boy was handed over to his mother. The invited guests presented the child with gifts: sweets, children's clothes, etc. All those present put money for the boy in a specially sewn shuntai bag. At the same time, the official part of the rite ended, after which the Sunnet-tui holiday began.
Sunnet-tui included a feast and a maidan. At the same time, only men took part in both the feast and the Maidan. The treat was prepared ahead of time: rams and sheep were slaughtered. Due to the large number of guests, they set up tents, covered dostarkhans. The feast was accompanied by the performance of khushavaz (from Tatar-yurt - "pleasant voice") - a unique epic genre of vocal folklore of the Yurt Tatars of the Astrakhan region. Khushavaz was performed by Khushavaz - male storytellers. The Maidan consisted of sports: running, freestyle wrestling koru, horse racing, and the altyn tavern competition (shooting from guns at a gold coin suspended from a high post). The winners were awarded with silk scarves and rams. All competitions required certain masculine qualities: the ability to stay in the saddle, agility, strength, accuracy, endurance. The magnificent, mass holding of the Sunnet Tui suggests that this holiday was one of the most important family celebrations. Today, both the ceremony itself and the holiday dedicated to it have undergone significant changes. So, circumcision is now done by surgeons in hospitals. The practice of carrying a boy in a decorated cart and arranging Maidans has disappeared. The Sunnet Tui festival is generally held a few weeks after circumcision. On the scheduled day, the invited men gather in the boy's house. Mulla reads the Koran, then guests are treated to pilaf. After the men, women come, give gifts to the child and also treat themselves. With all its changes, the circumcision rite has retained its ritual content and important social significance. Among the Yurt Tatars, there is no family that would not arrange this holiday. Sunnet is not only a symbol of the introduction of a new person into the Muslim community, but also a kind of initiation that contributes to the "transformation" of a boy into a man.
The traditional Tatar wedding of the Astrakhan region is a bright and complex drama, full of rituals and ceremonies. For centuries, established norms of behavior, a formed way of life, a rich musical and poetic folklore, have found their implementation in the wedding culture. In the everyday culture of the Yurt Tatars, as well as among the Nogais, the hierarchical ladder of seniority was strictly observed. Families for the most part were complex, patriarchal. In matters of marriage or marriage, the decisive word remained with the parents, or rather the head of the family. In the villages of the Yurt Tatars, the parents of young people often came to a decision without their consent. In the villages of later origin with a mixed Tatar population, the customs were not so severe. At the same time, the inhabitants of the Yurt villages preferred to conclude marriages between representatives of their group, which persists today.
Weddings were usually played in the fall, after the completion of major agricultural work. The boy's parents sent matchmakers to the girl's house. The matchmaking could take place in one or two stages: eytter and syrau. Women, close relatives, were usually chosen as matchmakers. The boy's mother might not have come for the first time.
The bride's consent was sealed with a prayer and a demonstration of the brought gifts: adornments for chicken nets, a tray with sweets for the bodies of bulag and cuts of kiit fabric for the girl's mother, packed in a large shawl and tied in a knot. On the part of the bride, the guests were treated to tea. At the same time, a saucer of butter was placed on one edge of the table, on the other - with honey, as symbols of a soft and smooth, like butter, and sweet, like honey, married life. After the ceremony, the tray was taken to another room, where several women divided the sweets into small pieces, and, wrapping them in small bags, distributed the same day to all the women and neighbors present, wishing their children happiness. This ceremony was called shikar sydyru - "breaking sugar" (shiker sydyru - among the Turkmen) and symbolized prosperity and prosperity for the future young family. In conspiracy, the dates of the wedding and the sequence of its holding are established. Before the wedding, on the side of the bride, from the groom's house, they sent lamb or a whole ram and tens of kilograms of rice for the preparation of the wedding pilaf Kuy Degese.
Guests were invited before the wedding. Each party appointed its own invitee. Selected relatives gathered for the "endeu aldy" ceremony. The hostess khuzhebike informed everyone about whom she had chosen in the endeuche and presented her with a piece of fabric and a headscarf. All the gifts brought by the guests were shared between the hostess and the chosen endeuche. Special respect for the inviter was emphasized by her hosting both in the bride's house and in the groom's house. The custom of inviting a wedding with the help of the endeuche is firmly established in the tradition of rural weddings. Before the wedding invitations, boys were sent to the guests, who knocked on the window to announce the next wedding. In modern times, in all houses where the endeuche comes, a warm welcome, refreshments, gifts await her, some of which are intended for the inviter herself, and the other is given to the hostess.
On the side of the bride, it consisted of two parts: a female wedding hatynnar tuye (tugyz tuy) and an evening of treats for the groom kiyusy. This surviving custom emphasizes the role of the feminine, matriarchal principle in wedding culture. His expression can also include a part of the wedding action on both sides - hatynnar tuye (women's wedding); the ceremony of electing the inviter of the endau aldy. Rural weddings, both on the side of the bride and the groom, are held in tents. The tradition of a wedding tent was already known in the 18th century. Tents are erected a few days before the wedding in front of the house or in the yard, covering the frame in summer with a light film, in autumn with tarpaulin. Immediately put together tables and benches, located inside the tent with the letter "P".
The culmination of the wedding on the side of the bride is the display of the groom's gifts of tugiz, which are passed to all guests so that everyone can see and approve of the groom's generosity, while showering them with small coins. From the groom’s side, and then from the bride’s side, the hosts give gifts of kiet to all guests - fabric cuts. The holiday is continued by folk musicians: the hosts of the wedding "force" the guests to dance to the tunes of the Saratov harmonica and the percussion instrument of the cabal. The wedding is decorated with songs to the accompaniment of the Saratov accordion, with which the hosts help themselves when treating guests. On the motives of Uram-kiy, Avyl-kiy, a variety of magnifying, comic, guest texts are superimposed. They see off the guests, as they do, to the music, with funny songs and humorous takmak ditties. The bride's mother gives the groom's mother three trays of sweet treats.
On the same day, they can also hold an "evening" wedding, an evening of treats to the groom. It starts late, in some Yurt villages closer to midnight. In addition, the groom's "train" is traditionally late, making itself wait. Having reached the tent to the merry tunes, ringing songs to the Saratov harmonica, the travelers stop at the tent. The groom deliberately resists, which is why the bride's relatives are forced to carry him in their arms. All this is accompanied by humorous squabbles, humor and laughter. The young people enter the tent to the accompaniment of a wedding march-cue. The period between two wedding blocks is usually a week. At this time, the nikah religious ceremony is held in the bride's house. If earlier the young could not participate in this ceremony, or the groom participated, and the bride was in the other half of the house, behind the curtain, nowadays the young are full participants in the ceremony. Nikah is carried out before the official registration. Registers the young mullah invited by the bride's parents. He asks the consent of the young three times. At the end of the prayer, everyone present should sip a pinch of salt. On the day of the religious wedding, a dowry is sent to the groom's house.
Special attention has always been paid to the removal of the dowry. At the groom's house, horses were dressed up: bright ribbons were tied to the mane, bells were hung, the horses' shins were wrapped with white ribbons. They prepared and decorated the carts on which the Yauchelar matchmakers sat. To the dancing tunes of the instrumental trio (violin, Saratov harmonica, cabal), the procession with noisy merriment went to the bride's house. Upon arrival at the groom's house, the dowry was unloaded, brought into one of the rooms, where it was "guarded" by two relatives chosen by the groom's mother.
Nowadays, horse carriages have given way to cars, but the taking of the dowry and decorating the groom's house with it remains one of the most fascinating moments of the wedding event. Jokes appear at the door of the house: "Narrow doors - furniture is not included". The ritual of decorating the house with the dowry brought by the Tatar settlers was named oh kienderu, which means "to dress the house". At the same time, two matchmakers, from the side of the groom and the bride, threw on the pillow: which of them sits on the pillow faster, the other side will "rule" the house.
On the day of taking away the dowry, the Yurt Tatars performed a ritual like this: matchmakers heated the bathhouse, bathed the bride, and then laid the dressed groom and bride on the bed. The rite of "girl's bath" was common among the Tatar-Mishars, Kasimov Tatars.
The wedding on the side of the groom traditionally also took place in two stages: the women's wedding hatynnar tuye with the ceremony of "opening the face" bit kurem and the evening, pair parla.
On the appointed wedding day, the groom took the bride to his house. The girl's dressing was accompanied by her mother's cries, which were picked up by her daughter. The cry of the bride dubbed the "cry" of the Saratov harmonica of the Yelau sazy. As the Kazan ethnographer RK Urazmanova notes, the ceremony of lamenting the bride under different terminology "kyz elatu, chenneu" "was characteristic of the Mishars, Siberian and peripheral groups of Kazan (" Chepets, Perm ") Tatars, Kryashens, Kasimov Tatars. met in the rituals associated with parting home at the Nogai-Karagash, Turkmen. On the subject of crying and lamentations of the bride are memories of their home, plaintive appeals to the father and mother. Nowadays, when seeing off the bride, the tradition of showering young people with coins or millet is preserved. rice, flour, which has analogues among other groups of Tatars engaged in agriculture, as a manifestation of the magic of fertility.Modern rituals are accompanied by a ransom, which is demanded by fellow villagers, blocking the passage of the groom's train to the bride's house.At the evening feast, ditties are sung. :
How did you reach us without drowning in the sea? Dear guests to us, How can we treat you to us?
So we came to you, Without drowning in the sea! Dear guests, we thank you for the treat!
The matchmaker's pitcher Something is not pouring water. Let's get the matchmaker drunk Let him not get up!
The guests did not remain in debt, in turn, teasing the owners:
Not enough salt in your food, Not enough salt? Like a rose in the garden Bride for us!
Music in the traditional wedding of the Astrakhan Tatars accompanies all the key moments of the action. The musical wedding complex includes crying, cries, songs, ditties, dance tunes. Dance tunes "Ak Shatyr" ("White Tent", ie "Wedding Tent"), "Kiyausy" reflect in their names the first wedding block held on the side of the bride. Dance tunes "Shugelep," ("Squatting"), "Shurenki", performed at wedding celebrations, retain their function in our time. Folk musicians, sazchelar and kabalchelar (performers on the Saratov harmonica and percussion instrument kabal), are in their own village. They are known, invited to weddings, treating and rewarding financially. The marriage ceremony consists of pre-wedding ceremonies (matchmaking yarashu, sorau; conspiracy suz kuyu, invitation to an endeu wedding); wedding celebrations, including two stages: on the side of the bride and on the side of the groom kyz yaginda (kiyusy) and eget yaginda. A kind of culmination can be considered a religious wedding nikah held between the two blocks and the transfer of the dowry to the groom's house. There are also post-wedding ceremonies aimed at strengthening intra-kinship and inter-kinship ties. They danced to instrumental tunes ("Ak shatyr", "Kualashpak", "Shhibele", "Shakhverenge"). Caucasian dance melodies under the names "Shamila", "Shuria", "Lezginka", " Dagestan. "Their inclusion in the wedding music repertoire is not accidental: in the 17th-18th centuries, some Caucasian peoples were part of the ethnic composition of the Yurt Tatars and exerted their cultural influence.
On their wedding night, a bed matchmaker (the groom's daughter-in-law) made a bed for the young. He guarded the rest of the young at the door. In the morning, the young woman performed the ritual of ablution, pouring herself from a jug from head to toe. The bed matchmaker went to look at the sheets and took away the gift due to her for maiden honor under the pillow. The groom's parents rewarded her for the good news. On the second day, the ceremony of "daughter-in-law tea" is held. The daughter-in-law gave tea to her and treated her new relatives with meat whites sent from her father's house. Parallels to the Kelen tea ceremony can be traced in the rituals of the Nogai-Karagash, Astrakhan Turkmens. After several days, the parents of the young woman had to invite the newlyweds to their place. A week later, the young or the husband's parents made a return call. Mutual post-wedding guest-hosting is typical for Karagash Nogai and Turkmens.
In addition to the traditional wedding option, the Astrakhan Tatars have a "run away" wedding - kachep chygu. She is quite active among the rural population in our days. In this case, the young, having agreed in advance, appoint a certain day of "escape". In the morning, the boy's parents notify the girl's parents. After that, a nikah religious marriage ceremony is performed, after which the young people register and celebrate the wedding evening.
Before the birth of a child, a woman in childbirth was placed in the middle of the room and an older relative circled around her several times. Wrapping and brushing her with his wide clothes. This was done so that childbirth was quick and easy. The woman had to endure her sufferings in silence, the intimate side of the Tatars' life was not discussed, it was not accepted. And only the cry of a child announced that a new person was born in the house. The joyous event was first reported to grandfather Mal atau. Grandfather asked who was born? And if it was a boy, then the joy was doubly - the heir was born, the successor of the family. The grandfather, to celebrate, immediately gave his grandson either a cow or a heifer, a horse or a filly, if the family was prosperous. If less prosperous - a sheep or a goat, at worst a lamb. They could even give a future offspring. When the son's family was separated by their farm from the father, the grandchildren took the donated cattle to their farm. If girls were born, they also rejoiced, sometimes there could be 5 girls in a row, then they joked about the unlucky father: "M? Lish ashisyn, kaygyrma" ("Don't worry, you will eat the wedding cake"). This meant that when a Tatar girl was wooed, they brought big pies to matchmaking and to the wedding, and the biggest one was brought to the father. A close relative, who knows how to do it well, comes to bathe a newborn baby up to 40 days old. She teaches everything to a young mother. For this, at the end she is treated and presented with gifts.
Bishek tui Literally translated "cradle wedding". This is a celebration of the birth of a child. The name is given to the child after a few days from the date of birth. The name is the mullah, who reads a special prayer, then several times whispers his name in the child's ear. Guests come to Bishek-Tui from both the father of the child and the mother. The grandmother from the mother's side collects a dowry for her little grandson (granddaughter). It was obligatory to carry a small children's cart (wooden cart). It is small, they put a soft mattress in it, put a small child and rolled it around the room. Or he just sat in it. The grandfather from the mother's side also gave his grandson (granddaughter) some kind of cattle. Either she was brought immediately, or she grew up and gave birth to the time when the parents of the child themselves decided to take her to their farm. If the child could not walk for a long time, then they took a rope, tied his legs, put him on the floor and, with prayer and wishes to go quickly, cut this rope with scissors.
Demonological representations are an important element of the animistic worldview of the Astrakhan Tatars, the genesis of which goes back partly to the pre-Islamic era, and partly to the Islamic time. The demonological characters of the mythology of the Astrakhan (Yurt) Tatars that have come down to us very remotely resemble the spirits of antiquity. They combined features that belong to different stages in the development of mythological ideas. These characters were heavily influenced by Islam.
Demon spirits are considered the primordial enemies of the human race, always looking for ways to harm people. They never patronize a person, and if from time to time they help him (sometimes they even work for him), it is only when they are forced to do so by force. To get rid of the wiles of the spirits, they do not try to propitiate them, they are not served; they only need to be driven out, protected from them. The main and most effective way is to read the Koran - the holy book of Muslims. Evil spirits include: shaitans, jinn, albastas, azhdahar, peri, as well as vague and uncommon images of zhlimauz and uyr. The most common demonic image among the Yurt Tatars is the shaitan. All evil spirits are collectively called Shaitans. In Arab-Muslim mythology proper, Shaitan is one of the names of the devil, as well as one of the categories of jinn. The word "shaitan" is related to the biblical term "satan". According to Muslims, each person is accompanied by an angel and a shaitan, prompting him, respectively, to good and unholy deeds. Shaitans can appear in human form, sometimes they have names. Yurt Tatars believe that the shaitans are invisible, and sometimes they represent them in the form of lights, silhouettes, voices, noises, etc. There are a lot of shaitans. At the head of the shaitans is Iblis (devil). Their main occupation is to harm people. So the shaitans can spoil drinking water and food. If a person sees him, he can get sick. Everywhere, the most effective remedy against the intrigues of demonic beings in general and shaitans in particular is considered to be reading the Koran (especially the 36th sura "Ya sin") and wearing amulets called doga (or dogalyk; from Arabic dua - "call", "prayer") - leather rectangular or triangular bags with a prayer from the Koran sewn inside. They are worn around the neck, suspended by a string. In addition, according to Yurts, shaitans are afraid of sharp iron objects (for example, a knife or scissors). That is why, in order to scare away the shaitans, they are placed both under the pillow of the child and in the grave of the deceased.
No less common is the image of a demon called a jinn / jin, which was clearly borrowed by the Yurts from Arab-Muslim mythology. In Arabia, the jinn were known even in the pre-Islamic, pagan era (jahiliya), jinn made sacrifices, they turned to them for help. According to Muslim tradition, jinn were created by Allah from smokeless fire and are airy or fiery creatures with intelligence. They can take any shape. There are Muslim jinn, but most of the jinn make up the demonic army of Iblis. The genie / jin spirits are close to the shaitans in the views of the Yurts. They harm people by causing them various diseases and mental disorders. Djinn have an anthropomorphic appearance, live underground, have their own rulers and are the owners of countless treasures. In Yurt legends, heroes-batyrs fight with jinn and, after victory, seize their treasures. A large place in the animistic beliefs of Yurts is occupied by beliefs about the Albasty - this is an evil demon associated with the water element, known among the Turkic, Iranian, Mongolian and Caucasian peoples. Albasty usually appears in the guise of an ugly woman with long flowing blond hair and such long breasts that she throws them behind her back. The Azeibarjans sometimes represented the Albastas with a bird's foot, in some Kazakh myths she has twisted feet or hooves on her feet. According to Tuvan myths, the albasta has no flesh on his back and the insides are visible (this idea is also found among the Kazan Tatars). According to the views of the majority of the Turkic peoples, the Albasty lives near rivers or other water sources and usually appears to people on the shore, combing their hair with a comb. She can turn into animals and birds, enter into a love affair with people. The image of Albasta dates back to ancient times. According to a number of researchers, initially Albasty was a good goddess - the patroness of fertility, home, as well as wild animals and hunting. With the spread of more advanced mythological systems, albasta was relegated to the role of one of the lower evil spirits. The spirit of Albasta / Albasla is known to all Turkic-speaking peoples of the Astrakhan region. The Yurt Tatars attribute to this demon the features of other evil spirits, in particular the Shaitan, and the image of the Albasta itself is less clear. Most of all, the demon harms women during pregnancy and childbirth. Albasty can "crush" a woman, and then she becomes "mad". The Yurt Tatars have widespread beliefs that the Albasty "crushes" a person in a dream. Another evil spirit in the traditional demonology of the Yurt Tatars is azhdaha (or azhdaga, aydahar, azhdahar). Among Yurts, he is represented as a monstrous serpent, a dragon, "the chief among the snakes." A demon can have multiple heads and wings. In Yurt tales, azhdaha is a cannibal. He arrives in the village and devours people. The hero-batyr kills a dragon in a duel and rescues civilians. In this regard, the legend about the origin of the name of the city of Astrakhan, cited by the Ottoman author Evliya Chelebi (1611-1679 / 1683) in his work "Seyakhat-name" ("Book of travels"), is interesting: "In ancient times, this city (Astrakhan - A.S.) lay in ruins and there was a dragon-ajderha in it. Devouring all the sons of men living in the Heikhat steppe, and all living creatures, he destroyed several countries. Subsequently, a certain khan-hero killed this dragon, and the whole district made it safe and comfortable - that's why this country began to be called Ajderkhan. "
The origin of another demonic image, peri, is associated with Iranian mythology and "Avesta". At present, the Yurt people have very few ideas about the Peri spirits and are at the stage of extinction. It is known that peri are evil spirits that have much in common with the shaitans. Peri can appear in the form of animals or beautiful girls. They can so enchant a person that he becomes "mad", mentally unhealthy, and loses his memory. Peri "dizzy" the person, paralyze him.
The image of the peri finds analogies in the beliefs of the peoples of Minor and Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Volga region, influenced by the Iranian tradition. For most of the peoples of Central Asia, peri / pari are the main spirits of the shamans who make up their "army". Even one of the names of the shaman - porkhan / parikhon contains the word "bet" and literally means "scolding bet". There are widespread beliefs that betting spirits can have sexual intercourse with people. The Astrakhan Tatars do not have such ideas.
The Yurt Tatars also know the evil spirits of zalmauz and uyrs. Jalmaus is said to be a very voracious man-eating demon; his name is translated from Nogai as "glutton". Today the word "zalmauz" can be used as a synonym for the words "greedy", "gluttonous".
Zhalmauz is a purely Turkic character. So the Kazakhs have a demon zhelmauyz kempir - an old man-eating woman who kidnaps and devours children. Such is the Kyrgyz demon zhelmoguz kempir. Similar characters are known to Kazan Tatars (yalmavyz karchyk), Uyghurs and Bashkirs (yalmauz / yalmauyz), Uzbeks (yalmoviz kampir). The question of the origin of this image is complex. It is believed that the image of Zalmaus goes back to the ancient cult of the mother goddess. During Islamization, the beneficent goddess, apparently, turned into an evil cannibal old woman.
The demonological concepts of the Yurt Tatars are quite close and in many respects identical to the demonological concepts of other Turkic peoples of the Astrakhan region. The names of spirits, their imaginary properties, rituals and beliefs associated with them are similar. In general, the demonological ideas of the Astrakhan Tatars have been constantly evolving over the past centuries, and this evolutionary development was directed towards Islam. Many images became more and more simplified, lost their personal specificity and the most ancient, pre-Islamic features, and were generalized under the name "shaitan". It is also interesting to note that some demonological characters (peri, ajdahah) are associated with Iranian mythology by their origin. This fact is explained by the ancient ethnocultural contacts of the ancestors of modern Turkic peoples with the Iranian-speaking population of the Eurasian steppes. The commemoration at the Yurt Tatars is a continuation of the farewell and funeral of the deceased and together with them and other ritual actions form a single complex of funeral and memorial rituals. According to Islamic tradition, funerals are held with the aim of "atoning for the sins" of the deceased. The commemoration is dedicated mainly to one deceased. However, sometimes they are also held as family ones - with the commemoration of all deceased relatives.
It is believed that through commemoration, close ties are established between living and dead people: the living are obliged to arrange a sacrifice (gift) in honor of the dead, and the latter, in turn, must show tireless concern for the welfare of living people. The duty to appease (win over the soul) of the deceased by means of a commemoration rests with all his relatives. She disappears only after a year has passed and one of the most important commemorations for the deceased is held - the anniversary of the death. Obviously, the strict execution of mourning for the deceased during the year can be explained by the previously existing notions that the soul of a deceased person finally leaves the world of living people only after a year after his death.
The most widespread among the Yurt Tatars, the ideological motive of the tradition of commemorating the dead is their belief that the soul of a deceased person rejoices and calms down after the commemoration arranged for him. These days, the soul of the deceased walks the earth and is next to his relatives, watching how it is remembered. The deceased himself, if you do not remember him, will suffer, worry about the fact that his relatives have forgotten him. "The Yurt Tatars are supposed to hold commemorations on the 3rd (ochese), 7th (Jews), 40th (kyrygy), 51 -th (illeber) and the hundredth day after the death of a person. Wake is also celebrated with them after six (six months) (yarthe el) and twelve (years, ate) months after death. In the village of Kilinchi, commemorations for a deceased person, except for the indicated above the deadlines, they also set aside the 36th (utez alte) day after death.As for the commemoration of the hundredth day, then, in the opinion of historians, including R.K.Urazmanov, Yurt people began to celebrate them since the 1960s under the influence of the Kazakhs living in their midst However, this tradition may, in our opinion, be originally inherent in Yurts, since the commemoration of the hundredth day is typical for the Karagash people, as well as for other groups of Tatars, in particular, Siberian ones. commemoration days, celebrated in the 19th century commemoration of the 20th day. of the Lman and Volga peoples, the dates of the commemoration partly coincide with the dates of the commemoration of the Yurt Tatars, partly different from them. So, for example, Kalmyks celebrate commemoration three times: on the day of the funeral, on the 7th and 49th days, among the Kryashens - on the 3rd, 9th, 40th days, in six months and a year, among the Kurdak-Sargat Tatars - on the day of the funeral, after returning from the cemetery.
In the village of Tri Protoka, the relatives of the deceased must leave one piece of cloth from the cloth used to make the shroud in order to keep it together with a small saucer filled with salt in a secluded place at home (for example, in a closet) until the annual commemoration. During the year, every commemoration (3, 7, 40 days) this piece of fabric should replace the tablecloth spread on the table for treating guests. At all commemorations, a saucer of salt must be placed in the middle of the table. After the end of the commemoration and the reading of the prayer, the tablecloth along with the saucer is put back into the closet. After the annual commemoration, the so-called memorial set - a tablecloth and a saucer of salt - is given to the mullah or to the person who read prayers during this entire period. As a gift, the relatives of the deceased also add a certain amount of flour to it.
In the case of a commemoration for a person who died at an advanced age, a piece of such cloth (tablecloth) was torn into small ribbons and distributed to everyone present with the wish that everyone lived to his age. With the same wish, such ribbons could be tied to the handle of a small child. In some groups of Siberian Tatars, in particular, Kurdak-Sargat, similar bandages were worn until they were torn themselves. At the same time, the custom of presenting ribbons from the memorial "tablecloth" can be compared to the presenting (as a sadaka) of the participants in seeing off and burying the deceased with threads (zep) used when sewing a shroud. It is noteworthy that analogs of this ritual (with threads or ribbons) can be found in the culture of other peoples. Thus, it is known that the Bashkirs wrapped the "thread of the deceased" around the part of the leg at the knee and near the foot - 10 or 30 times. The custom of handing out threads during the removal of the deceased from the house existed, in particular, among the Udmurts and baptized Tatars. Among the Mari, they covered the eyes, ears and mouth of the deceased with skeins of thread, thereby wishing to protect themselves from him. Some researchers associate the placement of threads with the deceased with the idea of \u200b\u200b"life threads" given to a person at birth and connecting him with other worlds, while the distribution of threads to living people symbolizes the wish of their longevity.
Usually a mullah is invited to the third day's commemoration at the Yurt Tatars to read prayers; if one is not found, an elderly man or woman (abystay) who can read prayers from the Koran. According to Islamic tradition, the relatives of the deceased must feed the beggars within three days after his funeral. On the "third day", a small number of guests gather at the commemoration of the Yurt Tatars - up to five or ten, and among those invited must be present one of the "night attendants", diggers and washers. All the closest relatives of the deceased must be present. Those who participated in the washing of the deceased are given things on this day (shirts - for men, cuts on a dress - for women), the porter of water is given a (new) bucket (ayak) used for washing. The obligatory memorial dish on the 3rd day is dumplings (pelmeni) with broth (shurpa). The custom of feeding the soul of the deceased, characteristic of some other groups of Tatars, is not practiced by the Yurts.
On the 7th day of commemoration, it is also customary for the residents of Yurt to give away various things (for comparison, among the Kazan Tatars, the distribution and distribution of things takes place not on the 7th day, but on the 40th day. On this day, someone from participants in the funeral. The diggers and washers are again given shirts and money (10-15 rubles each). Yurt Tatars believe that it is on the 7th day that the hostess can change the clothes she wore during the week for a new (different) one.
According to the ideas of all Astrakhan Tatars, including Yurts, the souls of the dead can visit their home every day throughout the year. With the establishment of Islam, Friday began to be considered a universal memorial day. The fulfillment of this rule explains the fact that every Thursday throughout the year women (in houses where one year of mourning lasts) from the early morning prepare dough for baking ritual donuts - baursak or kaynary, peremach (with meat or potato filling). They are fried in a hot frying pan in vegetable oil so that the "smell" is felt, which, according to many Muslims, is necessary to calm the soul of the deceased. Sometimes a mullah or an elderly woman is invited to the house on this day to read a prayer for the deceased, who are then necessarily treated to tea with donuts. A hostess who knows prayers from the Koran can read them herself on Fridays without resorting to the help of a mullah. Similar ceremonies with tea drinking find parallels in the traditions of other groups of Tatars, as well as Karachais, Nogays, some Central Asian peoples on the fortieth and fifty-first (illeber) days after the death of a person. According to the testimony of our informants, the 51st (memorial) day is the most painful day for a deceased person, because on this day he experiences "separation from each other of all bones ...". Old people believe that on this day loud moans of the dead are heard at the cemetery. To relieve the torment of the dead, relatives should read three to four (specific) prayers. Only invited people come to these commemorations. On these memorial days, large festive feasts are held, and for men and women separately; among those invited, as a rule, there are many elderly people. For the women present, a woman reads the prayer - mulla-bike, for men - a man, more often a mullah. The recitation of prayers from the Koran ends with the mention of the name of the deceased, often of all relatives who have died in a particular family. The duration of the recitation of prayers on these memorial days (40th and 51st), according to our observations, lasts about 30-40 minutes. At such commemorations, the hostess distributes money (sadaqa) to everyone present (starting with the mullah), usually to each of the guests - two or more rubles. After the completion of the ritual, the meal itself begins.
The hostess sets the table for the commemoration in advance, before the guests arrive. There must be new plates and spoons on the table. The presence of knives and forks is excluded. The obligatory (usually the first) dish that is put on the table is noodle soup with beef or lamb meat. It is served by passing the filled plates one at a time. It is not customary to serve two plates, as this can cause another death. The treat ends with a tea party. At the men's table, old men are the first to treat themselves, then young men; if the table was set alone, women and children are served last (after all). The owners try to distribute the rest of the treats among the invited guests. In general, it is worth noting that the custom of handing virtually each of those present at the commemoration a packet of treats (from the memorial table) is becoming more and more widespread.
All relatives of the deceased, his acquaintances and neighbors are invited on the anniversary of his death (ate Kon). Washers on this day are again presented with a dress and money (sadaqa), as well as new plates filled with pilaf and spoons. These commemorations are relatively modest, as they symbolize the end of mourning. During the entire year of mourning, relatives cannot have fun, marry, etc. However, today both rural and urban youth (Yurtovites) do not strictly observe the rules of mourning. Mourning clothes do not exist among the Yurt Tatars, and they did not practice wearing it in the past either. The funeral and memorial ritual of the Yurt Tatars is a very stable mechanism of reproduction not only of knowledge related to a specific area, cult rituals and production skills (sewing a shroud, digging graves, making funeral equipment, etc.), but also its own ethnic specificity.
The Russian people are representatives of the East Slavic ethnos, the indigenous inhabitants of Russia (110 million people - 80% of the population of the Russian Federation), the largest ethnic group in Europe. The Russian diaspora numbers about 30 million people and it is concentrated in such states as Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Belarus, in the countries of the former USSR, in the USA and EU countries. As a result of sociological research, it was found that 75% of the Russian population of Russia are followers of Orthodoxy, and a significant part of the population does not consider itself to be a particular religion. The national language of the Russian people is Russian.
Each country and its people have their own significance in the modern world, the concepts of folk culture and history of the nation, their formation and development are very important. Each nation and its culture are unique in their own way, the color and uniqueness of each nation should not be lost or dissolve in assimilation with other nations, the younger generation should always remember who they really are. For Russia, which is a multinational power and home for 190 peoples, the issue of national culture is quite acute, due to the fact that in recent years its erasure is especially noticeable against the background of the cultures of other nationalities.
Culture and life of the Russian people
(Russian folk costume)
The first associations that arise with the concept of "Russian people" are, of course, the breadth of the soul and the strength of the spirit. But the national culture is formed by people, it is these character traits that have a huge impact on its formation and development.
One of the distinguishing features of the Russian people has always been and is simplicity, in former times Slavic houses and property were very often plundered and completely destroyed, hence the simplified attitude to everyday life. And of course, these trials, which fell to the lot of the long-suffering Russian people, only tempered its character, made it stronger and taught it to get out of any life situations with a proudly raised head.
Kindness can be called another trait that prevails in the character of the Russian ethnos. The whole world is well aware of the concept of Russian hospitality, when "they feed, and give, and put to sleep." A unique combination of such qualities as cordiality, mercy, compassion, generosity, tolerance and, again, simplicity, which are very rare in other peoples of the world, all this is fully manifested in the very breadth of the Russian soul.
Diligence is another of the main features of the Russian character, although many historians in the study of the Russian people note both her love for work and her enormous potential, and her laziness, as well as complete lack of initiative (remember Oblomov in Goncharov's novel). But all the same, the efficiency and endurance of the Russian people is an indisputable fact, against which it is difficult to object. And no matter how scientists around the world want to understand the “mysterious Russian soul”, it is unlikely that any of them can do it, because it is so unique and multifaceted that its “highlight” will forever remain a secret for everyone.
Traditions and customs of the Russian people
(Russian meal)
Folk traditions and customs represent a unique connection, a kind of "bridge of times" connecting the far past with the present. Some of them are rooted in the pagan past of the Russian people, even before the baptism of Russia, little by little their sacred meaning was lost and forgotten, but the main points have been preserved and are still observed. In villages and towns, Russian traditions and customs are honored and remembered to a greater extent than in cities, which is associated with a more isolated lifestyle of urban residents.
A large number of rituals and traditions are associated with family life (this is matchmaking, and wedding celebrations, and the baptism of children). Carrying out ancient ceremonies and rituals guaranteed a successful and happy life in the future, the health of descendants and the general well-being of the family.
(Colorized snapshot of a Russian family in the early 20th century)
For a long time, Slavic families were distinguished by a large number of family members (up to 20 people), adult children, having already married, remained to live in their own home, the head of the family was a father or an older brother, they all had to obey and unquestioningly fulfill all their orders. Usually, weddings were held either in the fall, after the harvest, or in the winter after the Epiphany (January 19). Then the first week after Easter, the so-called "Red Hill", was considered a very good time for a wedding. The wedding itself was preceded by a matchmaking rite, when the groom's parents came to the bride's family together with his godparents, if the parents agreed to give their daughter in marriage, then the bride was held (acquaintance of the future newlyweds), then there was a ceremony of conspiracy and mating (parents decided on the dowry and date of the wedding ).
The rite of baptism in Russia was also interesting and unique, the child had to be baptized immediately after birth, for this, godparents were chosen, who would be responsible for the life and well-being of the godson all their lives. At one year old, the baby was seated on the inside of a sheep's sheepskin coat and sheared, cutting off a cross on the crown, with such a meaning that impure forces would not be able to penetrate his head and would not have power over him. Every Christmas Eve (January 6), a little grown godson must bring kutya (wheat porridge with honey and poppy seeds) to the godparents, and they, in turn, must present him with sweets.
Traditional holidays of the Russian people
Russia is a truly unique state, where, along with the highly developed culture of the modern world, they carefully honor the ancient traditions of their grandfathers and great-grandfathers, going back centuries and keeping the memory of not only Orthodox vows and canons, but also the most ancient pagan rituals and sacraments. And to this day, pagan holidays are celebrated, people listen to the signs and age-old traditions, remember and tell their children and grandchildren ancient traditions and legends.
Major folk holidays:
- Christmas Jan. 7
- Christmastide January 6-9
- Epiphany January 19
- Pancake week from 20 to 26 February
- Forgiveness Sunday ( before the onset of Lent)
- Palm Sunday ( sunday preceding Easter)
- Easter ( the first Sunday after the full moon, which occurs no earlier than the day of the conditional vernal equinox on March 21)
- Red hill ( first Sunday after Easter)
- Trinity ( sunday Pentecost - 50th day after Easter)
- Ivan Kupala 7 july
- Day of Peter and Fevronia July 8
- Ilyin's day August 2
- Honey Savior 14 august
- Apple Spas August 19
- Third (Khlebny) Spas August 29
- Cover day October 14
There is a belief that on the night of Ivan Kupala (from 6 to 7 July), once a year a fern flower blooms in the forest, and whoever finds it will gain untold riches. In the evening, large bonfires are kindled near rivers and lakes, people dressed in festive Old Russian robes lead round dances, sing ritual chants, jump over the fire, and let wreaths go downstream, hoping to find their soul mate.
Maslenitsa is a traditional holiday of the Russian people, celebrated during the week before Great Lent. For a very long time, Shrovetide was rather not a holiday, but a ritual, when the memory of departed ancestors was honored, placating them with pancakes, asking them for a fertile year, and by burning a straw effigy they spent the winter. Time passed, and the Russian people, thirsting for fun and positive emotions in the cold and dull season, turned the sad holiday into a more cheerful and daring celebration, which began to symbolize the joy of the imminent end of winter and the arrival of the long-awaited warmth. The meaning changed, but the tradition of baking pancakes remained, exciting winter entertainment appeared: sledding and horse-drawn sledding downhill, a straw effigy of Winter was burned, a relative went to pancakes all through the Shrovetide week, sometimes to the mother-in-law, then to the sister-in-law, the atmosphere of celebration and fun reigned everywhere , various theatrical and puppet performances with the participation of Petrushka and other folklore characters were held on the streets. One of the most colorful and dangerous entertainments on Maslenitsa was fist fights, in which the male population took part, for whom it was an honor to take part in a kind of "war effort", testing them for courage, courage and dexterity.
Christmas and Easter are considered especially revered Christian holidays among the Russian people.
The Nativity of Christ is not only a bright holiday of Orthodoxy, it also symbolizes the rebirth and return to life, the traditions and customs of this holiday, filled with kindness and humanity, high moral ideals and the triumph of the spirit over worldly concerns, are reopened to society in the modern world and rethought by it. The day before Christmas (January 6) is called Christmas Eve, because the main dish of the festive table, which should consist of 12 dishes, is a special porridge "sochivo", consisting of boiled cereals sprinkled with honey, sprinkled with poppy seeds and nuts. You can sit down at the table only after the first star appears in the sky, Christmas (January 7) is a family holiday, when everyone gathered at the same table, ate a festive meal and gave each other gifts. 12 days after the holiday (until January 19) are called Christmastide, earlier at this time girls in Russia held various gatherings with fortune telling and rituals to attract grooms.
Bright Easter has long been considered a great holiday in Russia, which people associated with the day of general equality, forgiveness and mercy. On the eve of Easter celebrations, Russian women usually bake cakes (festive Easter bread) and Easter, clean and decorate their homes, young people and children paint eggs, which, according to ancient legend, symbolize drops of blood of Jesus Christ crucified on the cross. On the day of Holy Easter, smartly dressed people, meeting, say “Christ is Risen!”, Answer “Truly He is Risen!”, Followed by a threefold kiss and exchange of festive Easter eggs.
The population of the Lower Volga region in the 17th century was a very variegated picture. A completely new and original phenomenon was formed here, characteristic only for the Astrakhan region. Culture of the 17th century in the Lower Volga region is represented by a number of distinctive national cultures: Russian (in the 17th century it was, as a rule, only urban culture), very close Turkic cultures (Tatar and Nogai), Kalmyk, and, to some extent, a number of oriental cultures, although existed in Astrakhan, but having less influence in comparison with the cultures already listed - we are talking, first of all, about the culture of the Persian, Armenian, Indian population.The formation of this distinctive phenomenon began long before the 17th century. The origins of the culture of the population of the Lower Volga region should be sought in the Khazar Kaganate. It was during the period of its existence in our region that the main differences between the culture of the nomadic and the culture of the sedentary population were laid. These differences existed until the XX century. and to a certain extent have not lost some of their characteristics today.
Another main feature that arose in the Khazar Kaganate, and distinguishes the regional culture from many others, is its polyethnicity.
If the Tatars and Nogais for the Lower Volga region were already satisfied with the "old" population, originating in the Kypchak (Polovtsian) ethnos, then the Kalmyks in the 17th century. on the Lower Volga were a relatively "young" population that appeared here not earlier than 1630. However, culturally, these ethnic groups had a lot in common. The main occupation of all these peoples was nomadic herding. Although it should be noted here that certain groups of Tatars were engaged in both fishing and gardening, continuing on the Lower Volga the agricultural traditions laid down in the Khazar Kaganate.
The Nogai as a nation that played a large role in the development of a vast territory from the Black Sea region to southern Siberia, formed from the middle of the XIV century. based on the East Kypchak ethnic groups with some additions of the West Kypchak ("Polovtsian"). Soon after its formation, the Astrakhan Khanate was actually squeezed between the Nogai nomads - both from the east and from the west, and the rulers of the khanate were often only henchmen of the neighboring Nogai murzas.
Later, when the Astrakhan Khanate became part of Russia, large groups of Nogai sought protection here from the internecine strife of their Murzas, or migrated here during unsuccessful wars with other nomadic Kalmyks (Oirats).
The English navigator Christopher Barrow, who visited Astrakhan in 1579-81, noted the presence of a semi-sedentary camp - the settlement “Yurt” (approximately on the site of modern Zatsarev), where 7 thousand “Nogai Tatars” lived. This is the same settlement, replenished by new settlers from the restless steppes, in the 17th century. was described by the German-Holstein Adam Olearius and the Flemish Cornelius de Bruin, and in the 18th century. - the scientist traveler S.E. Gmelin.
Yurts, including the Edisans (representatives of the nomads of the early 17th century), came from the Big Nogai Horde. These groups of Nogais moved to settled life in the middle of the 18th and early 19th centuries. And only a small part of them - Alabugat utars - kept a semi-nomadic life for a long time in the steppe ilmens and the Caspian "mochags".
The Yurt Nogais established diverse ties with the Middle Volga Tatars-settlers, who opened the Kazan trading yard in Astrakhan. They got the name "Yurt Nogai Tatars" or simply "Yurt people". Even in 1877, according to the Tsarevsky volost foreman Iskhak Mukhamedov, their historical self-name was retained as “yurt-nogai”.
The Yurts had 11 settlements that arose in the middle of the 18th and early 19th centuries: Karagali, Bashmakovka, Yaksatovo, Osypnoy Bugor, Semikovka, Kulakovka, Tri Protoki, Moshaik, Kilinchi, Solyanka, Zatsarevo.
Another ethnic group of Nogays, natives of another, Malaya Nogai horde, "Kundra", according to the modern name - "Karagashi", appeared on the borders of the Astrakhan region, leaving in 1723 from the Crimean Khanate. They obeyed the Kalmyks until 1771, and then moved directly to the Krasnoyarsk district of the Astrakhan province.
Two semi-nomadic Karagash villages (Seitovka and Khozhetayevka) were founded in 1788. Several Karagash families continued to wander around the Caspian coast until the 1917 revolution. But in 1929 all the Nogais were transferred to a settled way of life.
With the formerly sedentary Yurt people of Karagash until the beginning of the 20th century. they had almost no contact, but realized their common origin with them, calling the suburban residents "kariile-nogai", that is. “Nogai-Chernoyurt people”.
Thus, all ethnic groups of Nogai origin in the Astrakhan region, having a single cultural community, experienced a similar development in the process of their sedentarization (transition to a settled life).
With the transition from semi-nomadic and nomadic cattle breeding to sedentary agriculture, the social structure of this population changed, obeying the general laws, life and traditions. At the same time, sometimes unusual, new sociocultural and ethnocultural variants and phenomena arose.
During their life in the Astrakhan Territory, the Karagash people radically simplified their tribal structure from "five-member" (people - horde - tribe, cube - branch - clan) to "two-member" (people - clan).
Already at the beginning of the 18th century among the Yurts. a transitional structure arose, uniting the military-neighbor (the so-called "herd") and clan tribal. When settling, the “herd” formed a village, and the tribal groups that were part of it formed its quarters (“mahalla”). It so happened that representatives of the same clan, having got into different hordes, formed in different villages the same name "mahalla".
Archival documents indicate that in the middle of the 17th century. 23 clans of Yurts were known. By the middle of the XIX century. only 15 "herds" survived, which were identical to the settled Yurt villages around the city.
Each "mahalla" kept its own customary legal norms, had its own mosque and court-council of elders ("maslagat"), where the mullah was a member. In each "makhalla" teenage boys' unions were created, the so-called. "Djiens". There were also unofficial places of worship - Sufi holy graves - "aulya".
At the same time, the number of “mahalla”, mosques in Yurt villages, “djiens” and even “aulya” is approximately the same (25-29 in different years) and corresponds to the number of previous clans in the Yurt “herds” (24-25).
The legends of the Karagash retained the names of the two "hordes" in which they came from the North Caucasus (Kasai and Kaspulat). The sources of the late 18th century. they call four "cubes" (tribes), apparently two in each "horde".
In the middle of the XIX century. 23 clans and divisions were known that had their own tamgas.
The social structure of the Nogai groups, which had been nomadic and semi-nomadic for a long time, was rather homogeneous.
Another situation could be observed among the Yurts. Their social organization in the 17th and early 19th centuries. had three structural elements: “white bone” (Murzas and Agalars), “Kara Khalyk” (common people) and dependent “Emeks” (“Dzhemeks”).
The "Murz" families from the names of the Urusovs and Tinbayevs originated from the founder of the Nogai horde, biy Edigei. They headed several "herds" of the Edisan stage of resettlement.
Less noble families of the best warriors - "batyrs" (so-called "agalars")
replaced the "Murz" at the head of many "herds"; they headed almost all of the Yurts proper, and the batyr Semek Arslanov - the founder of the village of Semikovka - and one of the Edisan "herds".
In addition to the ordinary Nogais ("black bone"), under the Yurts and Edisan "herds" there was a dependent social stratum of people of mixed origin, the descendants of prisoners, or who nailed to the Yurts and were obliged to serve them and supply them with food. That is why they were called “emeki” (“dzhemeki”): from the word “um, jam” - “food, food, feed”.
Emeks were the first permanent residents of the Yurt settlements. According to their names and other indirect signs, the settlements of the Emeks can be considered "Yameli aul", i.e. Tri Protoka, "Kulakau" - Kulakovka and "Yarly-tyube", i.e. Waste Hillock.
With the transition to a settled way of life, in the middle of the 18th century, the Murzas and Agalars tried to enslave the Emeks into personal dependence on themselves, similar to the Russian peasants.
Astrakhan scientist - governor VN Tatishchev wrote about Yurts that "they have subjects, called yameki, but the herd heads are responsible for those."
Herd head Abdikarim Isheev at the beginning of the 19th century. reported the following about his dependent population: “... from the tribe of all sorts of people, when our ancestors, who had not yet been in all-Russian citizenship, (had subordinate groups of people), were taken prisoner by internecine warfare from different nations, somehow Lyazgirs (Lezgins - V.V.), Chechens and the like. "
Although the social term "Emeks" is firmly forgotten by their successors, but according to some indirect data, it is possible to establish their probable descendants and habitats.
The Russian government, restricting the rights of the former Murzas, went to a fundamental equalization of the rights of all Yurts: the status of the Emeks according to the VI revision in 1811 was raised to state peasants, and according to the VIII revision in 1833-35. Murza were also transferred to the same category of peasants. Naturally, this act provoked a protest from many of them, including, for example, Musul-bek Urusov from Kilinchi, one of whose ancestors, back in 1690, was granted Russian princely dignity by the Russian tsars John and Peter Alekseevich.
Musul-bek even went to see Nicholas I, but only achieved the right to exemption from taxes and Cossack service, but was not restored to princely dignity.
Passing from a nomadic to a sedentary way of life, the Karagash and Yurt people basically kept the old traditions in culture and life. Since the semi-nomadic and nomadic times, their homes have not undergone major changes. A non-collapsible, small-sized yurt was typical for all groups of Nogai during their nomadic camps.
The Karagashs in the second half of the 18th century. Gradually, there was a transition to a large collapsible yurt, which they retained until 1929, and in some families of remote villages - until the 70s. XX century. Moreover, the Karagash, as well as the Nogais of the North Caucasus, retained the bride's wedding carriage “kuime”. In the memory of the old-timers, the name of the last master who made such carts, Abdullah Kuimeshi from Seitovka, was preserved. Almost all fragments of such a "kuy-me", brightly colored and decorated with rich ornamentation, are kept in the funds of the Saratov Regional Museum of Local Lore (inv. No. 5882).
Researchers consider this nuptial cart to be the last stage in the historical and cultural evolution of the same unseparable cart, which was distributed under the name "kutarme" back in the campaigns of the Mongols of the Genghis Khan era.
Among the Astrakhan Turkmens, under the influence of neighboring Nogays, the wedding tent-palanquin of the bride "kejebe" was also transformed into a carriage, which, however, retained its traditional name.
Karagash clothing also kept long traditions. Karagash men usually wore wide trousers, a vest, over which a beshmet belted with a leather or cloth sash. Leather galoshes or morocco “ichigi” were put on their feet.
The skullcap was becoming more widespread as an everyday man's headdress, although the massive fur hat typical of the Nogai remained. Married women also had a more elegant fur hat with a fox or beaver edge. A female outer dress of a camisole type with an embroidered hem and wide sleeves made of cloth or velvet was characteristic of young legs. It was distinguished by a large number of metal decorations on the chest, especially the coins of the pre-revolutionary aspa minting.
The famous Polish writer, traveler and orientalist-researcher Jan Potocki, who visited Karagash on their wanderings in Krasnoyarsk district in 1797, noted: “The clothes of these young girls were very strange because of the many silver chains, plaques, handcuffs, buttons and other similar things with which they were burdened. " The "alka" earring was worn in the right nostril both by the Karagashks and by the yurts - girls and young women in the first 3-4 years after marriage. Girls wore a braid, weaving into it a thread with jewelry and a red headdress, young women - white, laying the braid around their heads.
Yurt girls and women who lived closer to the city were much more likely to find purchased factory-made dresses that bore more resemblance to the clothes of Kazan Tatars. Although here, too, some of the Nogai features of everyday life continued to persist for quite a long time.
Food remained traditional for these peoples. During the period of nomadic and semi-nomadic life, horse meat predominated in the diet of the Nogai. Even lamb was then considered a more festive food and was distributed at a feast, according to a complex ritual. Fish, vegetables and salt were practically not eaten then, in contrast to the post-revolutionary times and the modern period. As for drinks, special preference was given to “Kalmyk” tiled tea. A special role for all Nogais was played by "talkan" - mushy food made from millet. Among the Karagash, baked crumpets - "baursak", a meat dish such as dumplings - "burek", and later - pilaf - "palau" were common.
From the Golden Horde times, according to tradition, the Sufi cult of "holy places" - "aulia" passed to the Yurts, then to the Karagashs (and from them to the Kazan and Misharsk settlers). Both those and others worshiped the sanctuary "Dzhigit-aja", located on the site of the former Horde capital Saray-Batu. For Yurts, the grave located near Moshaik was revered, attributed to the legendary great-grandfather of the founder of the Nogai horde, biy Edigei - "Baba-Tukli Shailg-aje" ("hairy, hairy grandfather").
The Karagashs in the I half of the XVIII century. his own "aul" was formed - "Seitbaba Khozhetaevsky", who really lived at that time, a kind and skillful person, whose descendants serve the grave now. Located a few meters from the grave of the Kazakh leader Bukey Khan, it eventually united both cult places, which are now revered by both Kazakhs and Nogais.
Among the Karagash people, exclusively female (as opposed to Kazakhs) shamanism-quackery ("baksylyk") has firmly entered into use and has survived to this day. In a dry summer, the Karagashs, according to the same type as the Kazakhs, hold "kudai zhol" - prayer for rain, but using not a cow, but a sacrificial ram.
From generation to generation, the traditional folk musical instrument of the Nogai is "kobyz" - a hand-made product with strings of horse veins and with a bow, emitting low-tone sounds and considered sacred, shamanic. The Karagashs retained the memory of the previously existing "kobyz" until the 80s. XX century In the recent past, the "kobyz" of all groups of the Lower Volga Nogais was replaced by the so-called "Saratov" accordion with bells. Until recently, the Yurts retained an unusual form of "musical conversation" - "saz" - an exchange of conventional musical phrases, for example, between a boy and a girl.
Folk festivities and holidays among the Nogais are an integral and, perhaps, the most essential part of the national culture. Celebration "Sabantuy" was not typical for any of the groups of Nogai origin near Astrakhan. Holidays - "amil" (Arab - the month of March) among the Yurts and "jai-lau" - were held among the Karagash when they went out to seasonal nomad camps.
"Amil" at the beginning of the XX century. was held on a "rolling schedule" in all large Yurt villages annually from 1 to 10 March.
An invaluable contribution to the culture and study of the history of the Astrakhan Nogays, as well as other Turkic peoples, was made by such prominent figures as A.Kh .. Dzhanibekov, A.I. Umerov, B.M. Abdullin, B.B. Saliev. They enriched the culture of the peoples of the Astrakhan region, Russia and neighboring eastern states with their selfless and educational activities.
The life and culture of Kalmyks have a centuries-old history. Kalmyks - Oirats by the time of their arrival in the Lower Volga were at the stage of early feudal society. This was reflected in the strict social hierarchy that was characteristic of feudal society, with its division into feudal lords and commoners. The noyons or sovereign princes belonged to the upper class of the Kalmyk feudal lords. This group consisted, first of all, of the "big tayshi" who owned huge nomad camps and uluses. Ulus, in turn, were divided into aimaks - large clan groups, headed by zaisangs - junior tayshi. Aimaks were subdivided into khotons - close relatives wandering together. The titles of taisha and zaisang were inherited. An important role in the social life of the Kalmyks was played by the demcheis and shulengs, who were responsible for collecting the tax in kind.
a special role in Kalmyk society was assigned to lamas. Although by the time of their arrival in the Lower Volga region the Kalmyks had retained a huge number of vestiges of Dolamaist beliefs, nevertheless, the position of the Lamaist clergy among the Kalmyks was very strong. They were venerated, feared and tried to appease, giving very rich gifts to individual representatives of the upper strata of the clergy.
The disenfranchised position of people of the "black bone" ("hara-yasta") was very difficult. A commoner, as a rule, was assigned to his nomad and did not have the right to freely migrate. His life completely depended on the willfulness of this or that official. The duties of the people of the black bone included certain duties, and above all the military. In the XVII century. the commoner was also obliged to pay his feudal lord in kind. In fact, ordinary Kalmyks were in the most severe serfdom dependence on their noyons.
The material culture of the Kalmyks is given primarily by their dwellings. The main dwelling of the Kalmyks almost up to the XX century. there was a yurt - a Mongolian wagon. The frame of the wagon was made of light folding lattices and long poles. It was covered with felt mats, leaving the entrance to the yurt from the southern side uncovered. The yurt had a double-winged door, covered from the outside by a felt canopy. The interior of the yurt depended on the wealth of its owner. The floor of the yurt was lined with carpets, felts or reed mats (chakankas). In the center of the wagon there was a hearth, and the whole space was divided into two halves, the right (male) and the left (female). The northern part of the wagon was considered the most honorable. There was a family altar with sculptural images of Lamaist deities and saints. In any feast, the northern part was assigned to the most honored guests. In the northeast there was also a sleeping place for the owner of the yurt.
In a number of cases, dugouts and huts served as dwellings for Kalmyks.
In the XIX century. Kalmyks, passing to a sedentary way of life, began to settle in adobe houses, covered with reeds on top. Wealthy Kalmyks built wooden and even stone buildings.
The traditional settlement of Kalmyks had a circular layout, which was primarily determined by the nomadic way of life. Such a layout, in the event of an attack, helped to most optimally restrain the onslaught of the enemy and protect the livestock driven into the center of the circle. Later, in the second half of the 19th century, farm buildings began to appear among some Kalmyks, which significantly changed the structure of the Kalmyk settlement.
The clothes of the Kalmyks were peculiar. For men, it consisted of a narrow fitted caftan, linen pants, a shirt with a collar, and soft felt trousers. In winter, this costume was complemented by a fur coat, insulated harem pants and a fur hat.
Kalmyk women's clothing was much more diverse and elegant. As a rule, it was made from more expensive fabrics than men's. The outer clothing was a long, almost toe-length dress, which was worn with a long sleeveless camisole and a sleeveless jacket. Particular attention in women's clothing was given to rich embroidery and decoration. The costume, as a rule, was complemented by a beautiful belt, which served as a kind of visiting card of its owner, an indicator of his nobility and wealth. A special role in the costume of the Kalmyk woman was assigned to her headdress. According to P.S. Pallas, a woman's hat consisted "of a round, sheepskin, pubescent, small flat top that covers only the uppermost part of the head. The noble ones have rich silk fabrics, moreover, somewhat higher than simple ones, hats with wide front and back split folds, which are lined with black velvet" ... Pallas did not find any special differences between female and girlish headdresses.
However, in the 19th century. the situation changed dramatically, the women's suit and
the headdress, in particular, has become more diverse.
Women's headscarves, both factory printed and decorated with hand embroidery, are widespread.
The Kalmyk handicraft was predominantly natural. In each family, women were engaged in the manufacture of felt felts, used both for covering yurts and for laying on the floor. Sheep and camel wool were used to make ropes, clothing, and bedspreads.
Kalmyks knew how to make leather, perform simple carpentry operations, weave mats from reed. Blacksmithing and jewelry were very well developed among the Kalmyks. The Khosheutovsky ulus, where there were goldsmiths and silversmiths, stood out especially for its jewelers.
The food ration of the Kalmyks was determined by the specifics of their economic activities, therefore meat and dairy food prevailed among them. Both meat and dairy products were very diverse. Kalmyk housewives prepared more than 20 different dishes from milk alone. From it, the Kalmyks produced an alcoholic drink - Kalmyk milk vodka - araka, and even alcohol. The invention of the araki is attributed to Genghis Khan, therefore, after making a drink and sacrificing (treating) the spirits of fire, sky, dwelling, the fourth glass was intended for Genghis Khan. Only after that it was possible to start treating the guests.
Pressed green tea, which was brewed with the addition of milk, butter and salt, became widespread in the daily diet of Kalmyks. By the way, this tradition has passed to the Russian population with the name Kalmyk tea.
Meat was used in the most varied form, and numerous dishes were prepared from it.
According to religious beliefs, Kalmyks are Lamaists, which is one of the branches of Buddhism. It should be noted, however, that Lamaism in general and Kalmyk Lamaism in particular, was strongly influenced by shamanism. This was facilitated by the remoteness of the Kalmyks from the main Lamaist centers in Tibet and Mongolia, and the nomadic way of life of the common people. This is evidenced by the ubiquitous spread of ideas associated with the cults of local spirits, spirits of the family hearth, etc.
Lamaism began to penetrate the Kalmyk milieu back in the 13th century. and it was connected with the spread of Buddhism. But this doctrine turned out to be too complicated because of its theoretical postulates and did not find a wide response in the souls of nomadic pastoralists.
The acceptance of Lamaism by the Oirats of Western Mongolia should be attributed only to the beginning of the 17th century. and it is associated with the activities of Baybagas Khan (1550-1640) and Zaya Pandita (1593-1662).
In 1647, the monk Zaya Pandita, the adopted son of Baybagas Khan, visited the Kalmyks on the Volga, which to some extent contributed to the strengthening of the influence of Lamaism among them.
The creation of the Oirat script proper is also associated with the name of Zaya-Pandita. While translating Lamaist religious texts, Zaya-Pandita was acutely aware of the need to reform the old Mongolian writing system in order to bring it closer to the spoken language. He began to implement this idea in 1648.
Initially, the supreme lama of the Kalmyks was appointed in Tibet in Lhasa, but due to the remoteness, fragile ties and the policy of the tsarist government towards the Kalmyks, the right to appoint the supreme lama withdrew from the end of the 18th century. Petersburg.
Some isolation from the main centers of Lamaism led to the fact that the role of the Lamaist church did not become as comprehensive as in Mongolia and Tibet. All sorts of predictors, astrologers, and folk healers played an important role in the everyday life of the common people. In the XIX century. Lamaism, despite the opposition of St. Petersburg, became widespread among the Kalmyks. The tsarist government, fearing the strengthening of the Lamaist church, was forced in 1834 to adopt a special decree limiting the number of monks in 76 khuruls (monasteries).
Despite the wide spread of Lamaism among the Kalmyks, Dolamaist shamanistic cults associated with the veneration of the spirits of the elements, the spirits of the localities, especially the spirits of mountains and water sources, continued to persist in everyday life. These views were associated with the veneration of the owner of the lands and waters, Tsagan Avga ("white elder"), who was even included in the Lamaist pantheon. The cult of this mythological character is closely intertwined with the idea of \u200b\u200bthe mountain as the center of the world and of the world tree. We find one of the descriptions of the world tree growing from the underworld in the Kalmyk epic "Dzhangara". Even in Dzungaria, the Kalmyks absorbed the mythological ideas of the Tibetans, Chinese and even Indians, in addition, the beliefs of the Volga peoples continued to influence their mythological ideas.
A large group of the population of the Astrakhan Territory was made up of Kazakhs - one of the Turkic peoples of the Eastern Kypchak origin.
The ethnic core of this people with the ethnonym "Cossack" (ie "free man", "nomad") arose in the 16th century. in the southern part of modern Kazakhstan, in the valleys of the Chu and Talas rivers, near Lake Balkhash, spreading relatively quickly to all descendants of the Kypchaks, up to the Irtysh and Yaik (Ural). Bukhara writer Ruzbekhan at the beginning of the 17th century. mentioned Kazakhs, pointing to their constant wars with kindred Nogais and steppe, also "Kypchak", Uzbeks.
By the middle of the XVI-beginning of the XVII century. a nomadic Kazakh nationality was formed, which consisted of three groups corresponding to three historical and economic zones of Kazakhstan: South (Semirechye), Central and Western. This is how three Kazakh "zhuzes" ("hundred", "part") arose: the Elder (Big) in the Semirechye, the Middle one in Central Kazakhstan and the Younger one in the West. A Kazakh proverb says: “Give the elder zhuz a pen and put a scribe. Give the middle zhuz a dombra and set a singer. Give the younger zhuz a nayzu (lance) and set it as a fighter. "
The senior zhuz remained under the rule of the Dzungar-Oirats for a long time, and after the defeat of their state by the Chinese in 1758 - under the rule of the Kokand Khanate and the Tashkent Beks. The Middle Zhuz was under the influence of the Bukhara and Khiva Khanates, and the tribes of the Younger Zhuz until the middle of the 16th century. were part of the Nogai Horde.
But at the beginning of the 17th century. the lands where the Nogais lived were seized by the Kalmyks-Oirats. They also led a small group of Ural Kazakhs, partly converted to Islam, partly converted to Buddhism-Lamaism, to the right ("Caucasian") bank of the Volga. The lands of the left bank turned out to be free after the flight in 1771 of 30 thousand Kalmyk wagons back to Dzungaria.
The Kazakhs began to penetrate here even earlier, from the middle of the 18th century, making nomadic attacks on Krasny Yar and its environs, and in the winter of 1788 a conflict arose between them and the Karagash Nogays over the division of skins that fell in the steppe from frost and lack of food more than 3 thousand horses. Such clashes between Kazakhs and the surrounding population were not uncommon.
The situation on the Lower Volga stabilized at the beginning of the 19th century: in response to the request of some of the sultans of the Younger Zhuz, Emperor Paul I gave them permission to occupy the lands of the Volga left bank, and under Alexander I, such a migration was made. The Kazakhs, led by Sultan Bukey Nuraliev, crossed the Ural River in 1801, making up actually a new separate zhuz - the Inner (Bukeevskaya) Horde, included in the Astrakhan province.
The resettlement of Kazakhs to the territory of the Astrakhan Territory and the gradual transition to a settled way of life replenished the traditional features of the life and spiritual culture of the peoples living here, and also introduced some new elements into them.
The social structure of the Kazakhs after their resettlement to the Astrakhan region has undergone few changes. Kazakh zhuzes were traditionally subdivided into clans-clans, which numbered over 130, They, in turn, were split into smaller parts-subdivisions and generations.
Each clan had its own territory of residence, nomadic routes, tribal forms of government (council of elders), its own coat of arms-tanga for branding livestock and designating property, its own military detachments. The genus was strictly exogamous, i.e. marriages between members of the same clan were strictly prohibited. Their ancestral cemeteries were also preserved.
Newly created at the beginning of the XIX century. in the Lower Volga region, the Bukeevskaya horde was made up of representatives of all 26 clans, clans, from 3 main groups that make up the Small Zhuz.
The military-estate and clan-genealogical organization formed the basis of the then Kazakh society. In the new horde, there were relatively few hereditary heirs of the khan family and professional Islamic clergy.
But in Kazakh society, its own imperious aristocracy soon arose in the person of judges and military leaders, on whom ordinary nomads depended. The impoverished poor, groups of foreigners, and prisoners of war slaves were even more dependent.
In the Bukeev Horde, the most numerous group of the population in comparison with other places of residence were the "Tulengits", the descendants of former prisoners of war of non-Kazakh origin. Although they were limited in their rights, they were more often than others involved in performing supervisory functions.
For example, in the Kamyzyaksky district of the Astrakhan region and on the border with the Volgograd region, there are families among the "tylengits" who still remember their Kalmyk origin. Among them there are descendants of the natives of Central Asia, as well as other places.
In the Bukeev Horde, new, additional tribal communities emerged and survived, formed from the fugitives who left the Russian service and found refuge in the steppes of the Bukeev Horde.
In 1774-75. here from near Orenburg a part of the Nogais fled, transferred at one time by the Russian government to the category of Cossacks, from Astrakhan - a small group of "Kundra" Karagash, previously subordinate to the Kalmyks. In the Bukeevskaya Horde, they formed an independent clan - "Nugai Cossack".
Near the "Nugai-Cossacks" around the same years, a new Kazakh family began to form from the Tatar soldiers who fled from the border territories of present-day Tatarstan, Bashkiria and Orenburg region.
So the number of clan and similar ethnic formations in the Bukeev Horde increased and reached three dozen.
At their new place of residence, Bukeevsk Kazakhs entered into various contacts with representatives of other peoples living here, in particular, with Russians. At the same time, there was a custom of "tummy", or "tumamism" - that is, twinning and mutual assistance, which in one way or another affected all aspects of their life and culture.
The influence of the languages \u200b\u200band cultures of neighboring peoples, borrowings from their speech can be traced in the terminology of the dwelling, clothing, food and dishes, the season, etc.
The traditional dwelling for the Kazakh family was a large collapsible kibitka-yurt of the "Turkic type" with an exit to the eastern side.
Kazakh clothes mainly consisted of a shirt, wide trousers, beshmet; in cold weather, a quilted robe was worn, belted with a sash or a narrow hunting strap. A characteristic winter headdress for men was a fur hat with earflaps. Kazakh girls wore a small cap, usually decorated with a bunch of bird feathers. Young women wore a high, pointed, cone-shaped headdress. And for women of more mature age, a closed headdress of the hood type with a full cutout for the face was characteristic. An additional turban-shaped headpiece was often worn over the hood.
Women's everyday dress was usually blue, and festive dress was white. Brighter colors prevailed in girls' clothes. The common women's silk shawls with tassels, as well as a long dress with frills, were atypical, since they appeared in the 19th century. in the Senior Zhuz under the influence of the Russian-Cossack population.
Horse sausage was the daily food of the Kazakhs, and lamb broth - "surpa" served as a hot dish. The Kazakhs knew wheat and rye bread, which they baked in home ovens. A ritual wedding dish made of lamb liver, presented to the bride and groom, was considered special and characteristic of the Bukei people.
Kumis, a sour drink made from mare's milk, was most often used as a drink. Sometimes during the holidays they made milk vodka or a drunken millet drink.
The religion of Islam came to the Kazakhs quite late and often in a "non-classical", Sufi version. As noted by the descendant of the Kazakh khans, officer and explorer Ch.Ch. Valikhanov, - "... in the Middle and Small Hordes, Islam became incomparably stronger (than in the main, Big - V.V.), but even then only during the period of Russian rule under the influence of Tatar mullahs and mosques."
There were practically no mosques in the Bukeev Horde; for collective prayers they were replaced by specially designated and appropriately furnished yurts-kibitkas. The people retained faith in the patron spirits of ancestors and the steppe harmful spirits.
The collective prayer for rain, often performed in dry summers, was of a mixed, Islamic-shamanistic character. At the same time, a black cow was brought as a sacrifice to the higher heavenly power.
Male shamans (sorcerers) were very popular among the Kazakh population of the Astrakhan Territory. Only they had the exclusive right to use the ritual stringed musical instrument ("kobyz"). Apparently, this explains the fact that over time he disappeared from the everyday life of the Kazakhs.
Instead of "kobyz", the plucked string "dombra" became widespread. Usually tunes, folk tunes were performed on it during festive festivities or in the family circle. Some dombra players were known throughout the Astrakhan district. The names of the folk singer Kurmangazy Sagyrbaev (1806-1879) and his talented student Dina Nurpeisova were very famous among the Kazakh population of the Astrakhan region, and Kazakhstan as a whole.
At the grave of Kurmangazy near the village. Altynzhar, Volodarsky District, Astrakhan Region On October 11, 1996, in the presence of representatives of the two neighboring states, a mausoleum was opened - a symbol of recognition of the talent of the great singer of the Kazakh people.
Thanks to the researchers-folklorists, the heroic folk epic entitled "Forty heroes" - the treasury of the creativity of the Kazakh people, was mainly recorded. These are, first of all, the epic legends “Idige”, “Musa”, “Orak and Mamai”, “Karasai and Kazy”, “Kazy-Korpesh and Bayan-Slu”, known in those distant times and to the Astrakhan Bukeys. This statement is based on the fact that the main territory where the restoration of the heroic epic took place was the Small Zhuz, which was once part of the Nogai Horde.
This fact emphasizes the closeness and close ties of the present peoples of the Lower Volga in their distant and recent past.
History of the Astrakhan Region: Monograph. - Astrakhan: Publishing house of the Astrakhan state. ped. University, 2000.1122 p.
