The centenary of the 1917 revolution puts the Russian authorities in an uncomfortable position, which are happy with its global significance, but fundamentally do not accept any idea of overthrowing the government. Rare commemorative events should highlight the importance of national unity, an antidote to the class struggle. Be that as it may, informal meetings may deviate somewhat from this line.
On November 7, 2016, on the 99th anniversary of the October Revolution, a Radio Liberty journalist turned to Muscovites on the streets with the following question: “In 1917, would you support the Whites or the Reds?” The answers showed a slight advantage of the latter and showed that in Russia the rejection of revolutions does not necessarily concern the Bolsheviks, the bearers of the project of a new society. Subsequent surveys only confirmed this trend.
On the same day, about two thousand young and not so young people nostalgic for communism took to the streets of the capital with portraits of Lenin and Stalin. The procession was led by the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov. Two hours earlier, Sergei Mitrokhin, leader of the liberal Yabloko party, laid flowers and a plaque at the Ministry of Defense in memory of "defenders of democracy and the Constituent Assembly." According to him, these people were heroes. With weapons in their hands, they repulsed the "political bandits" (Bolsheviks), who in January 1918 dissolved the Constituent Assembly elected on November 25, 1917, because they did not receive a majority of votes in it. Be that as it may, the Moscow authorities do not agree with the position of Russian liberals: they periodically ban Yabloko events, but allow communists to walk around with portraits of Lenin and Stalin. As for Lenin, he still rests (against his own will) in the mausoleum on Red Square and may remain there for a long time. There are too many fears that his burial will cause more controversy than the status quo.
These two examples demonstrate how much controversy the 1917 revolution causes in Russian society, and how sensitive the memory of it is for the authorities. Although the sharply anti-Stalinist views of the Boris Yeltsin era have given way to a more positive perception of the Soviet leader with the rise of Vladimir Putin, both periods have one thing in common: a categorical rejection of revolutionary upheaval. In 1996, November 7 was made the Day of Accord and Reconciliation. In 2004, the anniversary of the uprising in Petrograd lost the status of an official holiday. Finally, in 2005, it was finally pushed into the shadows with the introduction of National Unity Day on November 4th. This date is associated with the end of foreign invasions (primarily Polish-Lithuanian) in Russia in 1612. This event, celebrated until 1917, marked the end of the Time of Troubles and the imminent coming of the Romanov dynasty. The cancellation of the celebration of the October Revolution testifies to the attempts to erase this event from people's memory and replace it with another, more conducive to the reconciliation of society.
A reminder to the "idealists"
Be that as it may, the anniversary of the capture of the Winter Palace has not completely disappeared. For several years now, the Russian authorities have been holding a military parade on Red Square on November 7th. We are talking about the anniversary not of the revolution, but of the military parade on November 7, 1941 (on the 24th anniversary of October), when the Nazi forces were on the outskirts of Moscow. Most of the 28 thousand soldiers who participated in it then went directly to the front. Thus, the current government does not want to either completely cross out this event, or mark it as a revolution. She is trying to merge several historical dates into one in order to form a stronger collective support.
For a long time, foreign observers wondered if the authorities were going to celebrate the centenary of the revolution, and if so, how. On November 4, 2016, against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict with Ukraine, President Putin and Patriarch Kirill unveiled a colossal monument to Prince Vladimir, the founder of Kievan Rus, which became the cradle state of Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, near Red Square. The 400th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanov dynasty was celebrated on a grand scale in 2013. The 200th anniversary of the Patriotic War of 1812 against the Napoleonic troops was the occasion for large-scale celebrations in 2012. Finally, every May 9, there are grand celebrations of the Nazi surrender. For the last four years, they have been accompanied by the procession of the “immortal regiment”, in which several million people carry photographs of relatives who participated in the Great Patriotic War. All these measures fit into a logical scheme: the unification and centralization of the Russian state. The revolution evokes the destruction of the state, the bringing of Russia to its knees, and the shedding of blood in a terrible civil war supported by foreign powers.
A departure from stability, traditions and the authority of the state - the October Revolution embodies everything that government hates. Political rhetoric bears an anti-revolutionary imprint. In 2007, Putin's adviser Vladislav Surkov reminded all "idealists" dreaming of revolution that "maniacs and terrorists usually come to power as a result of the actions of romantics."
Under the guns of the authorities, of course, were the "color revolutions", in particular the events of 2003 in Georgia and 2004 in Ukraine: they were perceived as the results of the West's maneuvers in the post-Soviet space. Protest movements in Russia in 2011-2012 against the election results raised suspicions of interference. To discredit the demonstrators, the authorities not only talked about working to undermine state sovereignty, but also emphasized the revolutionary (and therefore dangerous) nature of the protests.
During a speech to the UN General Assembly session on September 28, 2015, President Putin criticized "the export of the now so-called 'democratic' revolutions. (…) All of us should not forget the experience of the past. For example, we also remember examples from the history of the Soviet Union. The export of social experiments, attempts to spur changes in certain countries, based on their ideological attitudes, often led to tragic consequences, led not to progress, but to degradation.
Context
The victory of "historical Russia"
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 01/11/2017Could Russia have avoided the revolution?
Financial Times 27.02.2017Putin does not celebrate the anniversary of the revolution
Newsweek 02/27/2017The Cruel Age of Bolshevism
HlidacíPes.org 01/15/2017Is it possible to reach the horizon line?
Observador 02.02.2017 Be that as it may, it is impossible to remain silent about a global event just like that. The word "revolution" is already on everyone's lips. Even Ukraine is preparing for “its own” centenary of an event that will no doubt be presented as a period of struggle for Ukrainian national independence against the Moscow Bolsheviks who crushed it. In the fall of 2017, there will be countless anniversary workshops, documentaries and publications around the world. Russia will not stand aside either. This is evidenced, in particular, by the organization of an international conference with the participation of more than 200 historians (30 of them will arrive from Latin America) in September under the patronage of MGIMO, the Institute of World History and the Russian Historical Society.The authorities have been trying for years to work out their own interpretation of the revolution. The prerequisites for this were visible as early as 2007 in the history textbooks that were part of the project to develop new federal curricula. The February and October revolutions and the civil war that followed them are united in them into a single bloc called the "Great Russian Revolution", which clearly indicates the desire to put it on the same level as the "Great French Revolution". The tragic nature of the war and its consequences are especially emphasized. Russia came out of these difficult trials stronger than before, becoming the Soviet Union. In such a scheme, there can be no question of finding the guilty and analyzing heterogeneous political views. Both whites and reds were ready to give their lives for Russia: the first - for the imperial, the second - for the Soviet. Therefore, both deserve respect.
The expression "Great Russian Revolution" appeared even in scientific circles. It allows you to emphasize the significance of this event for the country and the whole world. In addition, it helps to make October part of a wider process, which, by the way, is what historians are doing after the disappearance of the Soviet “myth” about October, which pushed the “bourgeois” February revolution into a deep shadow.
In 2015, Moscow hosted a round table chaired by the Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky on the topic “Centenary of the Great Russian Revolution: reflection for the sake of consolidation” with the participation of representatives of various historical institutions. The event took place in the former Museum of the Revolution, which was renamed in 1998 into the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia. The name openly indicates the chosen course: the anniversary should become an occasion for the "consolidation" of society.
“The Great Russian Revolution of 1917 will forever remain one of the most important events of the 20th century,” the minister said at the opening of the event. According to him, "a comprehensive and objective study of the Great Russian Revolution and the Civil War helps us to realize the tragedy of the split of society into opposing sides, to understand the importance for Russia of a strong state power supported by all segments of the country's population." The need to emphasize the tragic nature of the split in society after the revolution of 1917 and the civil war was noted, while respecting the heroes of both camps (red and white). Finally, revolutionary terror deserves condemnation to the same extent as "the fallacy of relying on the help of external allies in the internal political struggle" (this clearly sounds like a warning in modern Russia).
The real launch of the commemorative events took place in December 2016, when Vladimir Putin instructed the official Russian Historical Society to form an organizing committee. “The coming 2017 is the year of the centenary of the February and October revolutions,” he said. - This is a weighty reason to once again turn to the causes and the very nature of the revolution in Russia. Not only for historians, scientists. Russian society needs an objective, honest, in-depth analysis of these events. This is our common history and should be treated with respect.” As the former speaker of the Duma and head of the Russian Historical Society Sergei Naryshkin noted, “the anniversary of such an event as the revolution in Russia is necessary not for solemn events, not for celebration, but above all for a deep understanding of the events of a hundred years ago. And most importantly, in order to formulate the most important lessons not only for our country, but also for the world.” These lessons are, first of all, "the value of unity, civil harmony, the ability of society to find compromises and prevent an extreme split in society in the form of civil war."
Historian resistance
Thus, the task of the authorities is to draw lessons from the revolution. Nevertheless, judging by the list of events (exhibitions, publications, conferences, scientific projects, films) that were approved by the organizing committee or will be held outside the official program, one should not count on unanimity. Historians will express their point of view, which is alien to any hoaxes. The official rhetoric will have a counterbalance from scientific, cultural and political circles. This was already the case in 2007-2009, when the authorities tried to impose a positive perception of Stalinism, pushing for the modernization of the country, which allowed the USSR to win the war. Numerous publications on the history of Stalinism prevented this initiative from succeeding.
This time, many historians will remind you of what is sometimes drowned out in impartial reasoning and calls for the consolidation of society around a strong government. The fall of tsarism in 1917 and the Bolsheviks taking power in October became possible only because the overwhelming majority of the population of the empire wanted change and were tired of the strongest inequality in the socio-political system. In addition, the Muscovites interviewed on November 7, 2016, apparently understood perfectly well, a hundred years later, that belonging to the camp of the Reds and the Whites is not the same thing. So, a woman in an elegant cream-colored fur coat answered that in 1917 her family was poor, and she would have supported the Bolsheviks. “Now, of course, I would be for the whites,” she added with a dazzling smile.
The materials of InoSMI contain only assessments of foreign media and do not reflect the position of the editors of InoSMI.
The events of October 1917 were a turning point for many. Russia at the beginning of the last century, however, as now, is a huge country where more than 190 peoples live. On the attitude of the new government to the national question - the correspondent of "MIR 24" Nahid Babaev.
By 1917, about 200 peoples and nationalities lived on the territory of the Russian Empire.
One of the first decrees of the young Soviet government was the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia. It was published in the Izvestiya newspaper on Friday, November 3, 1917. Point of the second declaration: The right of the peoples of Russia to self-determination up to secession and formation of an independent state.But the process started even earlier. In the European part, immediately after the overthrow of the autocracy, Poland and Finland demanded independence.
Soviet power was quickly established in the central regions of the country. In most industrial cities, it already belonged to the local Soviets.
In the territories of Estonia and Latvia not occupied by the Germans, as well as in Belarus, Soviet power was established in October-November 1917.
In Kyiv, the Central Rada proclaimed the creation of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Noting, however, that they do not want to secede from Russia and are ready to become part of a federal state.
In Central Asia, in response, they convened a general Muslim congress in Kokand and decided to seek autonomy. At the same time, the Council of People's Commissars of Turkestan was already operating in Tashkent.
“National intelligentsia, formed in the regions, received a unique chance to win independence, or at least broad autonomy within the renewed Russian state,” explains historian Yegor Yakovlev.
The Bolsheviks responded, as they would say now, with a talented PR move. They sent more than 600 revolutionary agitators from Petrograd to the troubled regions.
First of all, the local Soviet authorities began to fulfill their promises: land for the peasants, factories for the workers, peace for the soldiers. In addition, the Bolsheviks released political prisoners. For example, more than 1,000 people were released from the Minsk City Prison alone.
The October Revolution happened 100 years ago, and historians are still arguing about its causes and consequences.It turned out that in many respects it was done with German money.
Funds from the sale of women's stockings, condoms and red caviar fell into the purse of the revolution. These and other goods were sold by a commercial company that the Germans created in Denmark in order to quietly transfer money to the Bolsheviks.
They also traded technical instruments, medicines for the tsarist army and raw materials for military production.
Goods were exported to Russia, Germany, Scandinavian countries, England.
The Germans also had new channels for the supply of weapons.
The initiator of the opening of the company was Alexander Parvus, a well-known Russian millionaire and adventurer. He dreamed of a Russian coup and proposed a grandiose plan to the Germans. Germany agreed, she had her own interest - to withdraw Russia from the First World War.
DUSHANBE, October 7 - Sputnik, Alexey Stefanov. On the eve of November 7, in the cinema hall of the Central House of Journalists, the authors of the study "Revolution-100: Reconstruction of the Anniversary", edited by the historian, head of the Association of Researchers of the Russian Society (AIRO-XXI) Gennady Byurdyugov, discussed the political, scientific and public reaction in Russia and the world to the centenary of the Revolution of 1917 .
“Summing up the results of monitoring, we can say that such a large-scale event as the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution deserved a little more attention. This anniversary is not very convenient for many post-Soviet countries, because they do not want to be on a par with everyone, each the country wants to isolate its revolution from the Russian one and create its own historical narrative. Therefore, such a complex understanding of the revolution is inconvenient for them, they do not want to be indebted to the Russian revolution. And they insist that they had all the prerequisites for creating their own statehood, almost from the Middle Ages," Ludmila Gotagova, a leading researcher at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, who monitored the CIS and Baltic countries, summed up her work.Sputnik talked to her after the conference.
Rebellion and the cult of leaderism
The famous Turkestan uprising of 1916 turned out to be in the center of attention of almost all of Central Asia, and a lot of time, effort and anniversary preparations were devoted to it, celebrated on a grand scale. There were all kinds of events - at the official level, in the scientific community, conferences, exhibitions were held, documentaries were shown, books were presented. And the President of Kyrgyzstan issued a Decree on October 26 to rename the Day of the October Revolution, which they still had, the Day of Reconciliation and Remembrance.
“It was the Turkestan uprising that became the central symbolic plot of this holiday. Therefore, the Great Russian Revolution faded into the background - the uprising overshadowed it. Another thing is that some of the scientists tried to establish some connection between the uprising and the revolution, saying that the uprising was one of the important prerequisites which led to the revolution," the historian explained.
At the same time, she noted that Uzbekistan, which completely ignored the anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution, defiantly and solemnly celebrates the 100th anniversary of the former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Republic, who has been implementing the ideas of the revolution for 24 years.
"It's very strange, but, apparently, Uzbekistan is concerned about the idea of leaderism," Gotagova said.
The researcher did not find any information about how Turkmenistan relates to the revolution.
“It’s as if he doesn’t exist. Apparently, in this country, cultural life is either closed from prying eyes, or is in decline,” she said.
On the bayonets of the Latvian riflemen
"The Baltic countries completely ignored the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution and are now actively preparing for the 100th anniversary of independence, which will be celebrated in 2018. Each of the countries will have this event in February, March and November, respectively. They are preparing in much the same way as others were preparing for the 100th anniversary of the revolution, but they completely ignore the fact that their independence anniversaries are rooted in the revolution,” says Lyudmila Gotagova.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
According to her, the Balts isolate their history.
“Take the Latvian riflemen - a stamp dedicated to the Latvian riflemen was issued in Latvia, but they are positioned only as a force that contributed to the formation of the Latvian statehood. And there is not a word about the fact that the Latvian riflemen played a colossal role in the Great Russian Revolution. This fact is hushed up And this is very strange, because the Baltic countries gained independence precisely thanks to the revolution and a combination of circumstances - the World War, the Brest Peace, German occupation, etc. And unlike others, except for Finland and Poland, they became independent for as much as 22 years " , the historian explained.
Starting to monitor the anniversary of the revolution in the Baltic countries, Lyudmila Gotagova was sure that "they will have at least a historical sense of gratitude that they are so lucky, but no." In the anniversary year, even scientific events were not held. The joint round table with Russia was held only in Lithuania, and even then it was not dedicated to the revolution, but to the acquisition of statehood by Lithuania.
“I reduced the pathos of my speech to the fact that they are all absorbed in the idea of self-affirmation, which has already been going on for a quarter of a century. This is not normal. And Russia has its own problems on this basis, which is why they cannot find a common language and conduct a civilized dialogue. As a result, relations in the cultural and historical area, associated even with the anniversary of the revolution, have been spoiled by political turmoil," she said.
Autocephaly, women's rights and decommunization
Nevertheless, all countries have a reason to indirectly touch on the anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution. Thus, in March of this year, Georgia celebrated the 100th anniversary of the autocephaly of the Georgian Orthodox Church.
“This is a very important moment for them, part of the national self-identification of Georgian Orthodoxy. But they also received autocephaly thanks to the February revolution. The provisional government recognized the withdrawal of the Georgian Church from the Russian and autocephaly. Patriarch Tikhon protested against this, but they did not listen to him, and the Georgian church became independent.So they celebrated this event at the official level with a conference, an exhibition, the presence of the highest government officials.And next year, they will probably celebrate the 100th anniversary of Georgian independence.Although it was Georgia that supplied Russia with cadres of the upper echelon of power ", Gotagova explains.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
Azerbaijan will also celebrate the centenary of its statehood next year. It focuses on the fact that the Republic of Azerbaijan became the first of the eastern countries to be democratic and the first to grant women freedom and the right to participate in elections.
"They boast of the emancipation of women," says the historian.
Two years ago, Armenia had a more significant date than the anniversary of the revolution - the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, and they celebrated it. Accordingly, the revolution faded into the background.
"The pro-Russian part of the Armenian society continues to honor the memory of the Great Russian Revolution, while the other demands to start the process of decommunization following the example of Ukraine. The arguments of the first are that the Bolsheviks played a big role in the formation of the Armenian statehood, and the second - as a result of the revolution, Armenia turned out to be the injured party, since Lenin was an alliance was concluded with Turkey, and part of the historical Armenian territory was lost. But no special events, except for speeches by individual analysts, dedicated to the revolution, are expected in Yerevan,” Gotagova says.
The counterrevolution continues
At the official level, Moldova also ignored the anniversary of the revolution, but the communists, led by the former president of the republic, Vladimir Voronin, are very active.
“A few days ago they had a solemn meeting dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution, at which Voronin spoke. He spoke about the great significance of the revolution, which is now given too little attention, about the great role of Lenin, and suddenly announced that all these hundred years continues ... the counter-revolution. He named the collapse of the USSR and the riots in Chisinau after the parliamentary elections in 2009 as vivid examples of this. He believes that even now the creeping counter-revolution is trying to ruin the great cause of the revolution, "the historian explained.
And she added that in Moldova there is a very clear division into two lines - pro-communist - those who glorify the revolution, and pro-Romanian - those who ignore the events of a hundred years ago, but are going to celebrate the annexation of Bessarabia to Romania in 1918.
Year of the Ukrainian revolution with the fall of Lenin
“It is noteworthy that out of all the 15 republics of the former USSR, the most active anniversary company of the revolution unfolded in Ukraine. I even called it an independent anniversary in my text, because, unlike all the others, everything takes place at a purely state level, with a presidential decree Poroshenko, with his speech on January 1 of this year, when he declared 2017 the Year of the Ukrainian Revolution on national television," the historian is surprised.
The country singled out the Ukrainian revolution from the Russian one and expanded its scope. As a result, she captured the years 1917 - 1921.
"Ukrainians have developed a colossal list of events that will be held in these four years. But there is, of course, a large percentage of demonstrativeness - the whole company is affected by damaged relations with Russia. In particular, in March next year, Ukraine is going to celebrate the centenary of the liberation of Crimea from Bolsheviks, and this is clearly a political step. And at the same time, the 100th anniversary of the supposedly Ukrainian navy,” says Lyudmila Gotagova.
© Sputnik / Alexey Danichev
Historical reconstruction "Petrograd 1917"
There will be much more events within the framework of the anniversary year of the revolution in Ukraine than in Russia. And the main topic of all discussions is why Ukrainian independence did not take place even then. At the same time, according to the historian, it was apparently on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution that the campaign of the Leninist fall swept across Ukraine, when 1,320 monuments to Lenin were dismantled and destroyed as part of the decommunization project.
“Looking back at this whole picture that is taking shape in the post-Soviet countries, I would say that the fetishism of independence, as the Lithuanian poet, translator and essayist Tomas Venclova aptly noted, which the republics of the former USSR are concerned about, obscures much more serious social and economic problems in the eyes of their ruling elites. , moral, and other problems of an internal nature," summed up Lyudmila Gotagova.
Revolutionary 1917
The Great October Socialist Revolution is one of the largest political events of the 20th century, which took place in Russia on October 25 (New Style - November 7), 1917 and influenced the further course of world history.
At 10 am on October 25, the Military Revolutionary Committee issued an appeal "To the citizens of Russia!". "State power," it said, "has passed into the hands of an organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the Military Revolutionary Committee, which is at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and the garrison."
At 21:00, a blank shot from the Peter and Paul Fortress signaled the start of the assault on the Winter Palace. At 2 am on October 26 (November 8), armed workers, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors took the Winter Palace and arrested the Provisional Government.
Great Russian Revolution- a radical turning point in national history. The process that has affected all spheres of public life has not yet acquired an unambiguous assessment in the historical consciousness of modern Russia, which is undergoing a period of social, cultural and political transformation. Many aspects of this period of Russian history remain undisclosed or disclosed biased and politically biased.
2017 is the centenary of the 1917 Revolution. The centennial milestone is a landmark for historical memory. Right now it is necessary to support the trend of reconciliation of society with the events of 1917 and promote the popularization of high-quality historical knowledge in order to learn from them.
Russian Historical Society takes an active part in the preparation and holding of events dedicated to the Great Russian Revolution, guided by the values of science, verifiability and civic solidarity, expressed in a delicate and objective approach to historical events.
“We approached the subject of the Revolution of 1917 prepared. Its broad discussion took place at various venues, as part of the development of the concept of teaching Russian history at school. Even then, it was proposed to consider the Great Russian Revolution as a complex and dramatic process, including interrelated stages. The events of February and October 1917, the fall of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic, the elections to the Constituent Assembly and the Kornilov revolt, the establishment of Soviet power and a bloody civil war.
- Chairman of the Russian Historical Society Sergey Naryshkin.
Project news:
The study of the causes and consequences of the Great Russian Revolution will be continued - such a statement was made by the Chairman of the Russian Historical Society Sergey Naryshkin at the final meeting of the organizing committee for the preparation and holding of events dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the 1917 revolution in Russia.
An exhibition opened at the All-Russian Museum of Decorative, Applied and Folk Art "The Porcelain Revolution. Dream of a New World. Soviet porcelain". The exposition presents hundreds of decorative plates, cups, saucers, sculptures produced in the first twenty years of the Soviet state, which are traditionally called propaganda porcelain.
In the concert hall of the Academic Song and Dance Ensemble of the Russian Army named after A.V. Alexandrov, the International Historical and Musical Festival of Children's and Youth Creativity "Russian Revolution of 1917: the musical memory of generations" was held.
A modular exhibition "The 1917 Revolution on the Streets of Moscow in Archival Documents and Photographs" has opened on Nikolskaya Street. The exposition was prepared by the Russian Society of Historians and Archivists and the Historical and Archival Institute of the Russian State Humanitarian University with the support of the Russian Historical Society and the History of the Fatherland Foundation.
A concert at the Mariinsky Theatre, a demonstration of unique documents from the archives of the Navy and the laying of a stone at the Admiralty Shipyards in memory of the shipbuilders of the era of the revolution and the Civil War: events dedicated to the centenary of the revolutionary upheaval in Russia were held in St. Petersburg.
On the eve of the centenary of the Great Russian Revolution Sergei Naryshkin gave an exclusive interview to TASS First Deputy General Director Mikhail Gusman, in which he spoke about the significance of this historic event for the citizens of Russia, its assessment in modern Russian society, as well as about the events held throughout the country on the eve of this date.
In Russia, a memorial to all those who died during the revolution and the Civil War may soon appear. This proposal was made by deputies of the State Duma at parliamentary hearings "Centenary of the 1917 Revolution in Russia: International Aspects".
The State Historical Museum is preparing to open the Energy of Dreams exhibition. It will be the final and largest event in the calendar of events dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution.
The International Scientific Conference "Russian Revolution and Constitution" was held in the House of the Russian Historical Society. It brought together dozens of experts from different countries - historians, lawyers, political scientists, economists, culture experts.
The “Week of the Russian Revolution” has started in Paris: in the coming days, several major scientific forums and other events dedicated to the events of 1917 and their impact on the world will be held in the French capital at once.
To understand when there was a revolution in Russia, it is necessary to look back at the era. It was under the last emperor from the Romanov dynasty that the country was shaken by several social crises that caused the people to oppose the authorities. Historians single out the revolution of 1905-1907, the February revolution and the October year.
Background of revolutions
Until 1905, the Russian Empire lived under the laws of an absolute monarchy. The king was the sole autocrat. The adoption of important state decisions depended only on him. In the 19th century, such a conservative order of things did not suit a very small stratum of society from intellectuals and marginals. These people were guided by the West, where the Great French Revolution had long since taken place as a good example. She destroyed the power of the Bourbons and gave the inhabitants of the country civil liberties.
Even before the first revolutions took place in Russia, society learned about what political terror is. Radical supporters of change took up arms and staged assassination attempts on top government officials in order to force the authorities to pay attention to their demands.
Tsar Alexander II ascended the throne during the Crimean War, which Russia lost due to systematic economic lagging behind the West. The bitter defeat forced the young monarch to embark on reforms. The main one was the abolition of serfdom in 1861. Zemstvo, judicial, administrative and other reforms followed.
However, the radicals and terrorists were still unhappy. Many of them demanded a constitutional monarchy or even the abolition of tsarist power. The Narodnaya Volya organized a dozen assassination attempts on Alexander II. In 1881 he was killed. Under his son, Alexander III, a reactionary campaign was launched. Terrorists and political activists were severely repressed. This calmed the situation for a while. But the first revolutions in Russia were still just around the corner.
Mistakes of Nicholas II
Alexander III died in 1894 in the Crimean residence, where he improved his failing health. The monarch was relatively young (he was only 49 years old), and his death came as a complete surprise to the country. Russia froze in anticipation. The eldest son of Alexander III, Nicholas II, was on the throne. His reign (when there was a revolution in Russia) from the very beginning was overshadowed by unpleasant events.
First, in one of his first public speeches, the tsar declared that the desire of the progressive public for change was "meaningless dreams." For this phrase, Nikolai was criticized by all his opponents - from liberals to socialists. The monarch even got it from the great writer Leo Tolstoy. The count ridiculed the emperor's absurd statement in his article, written under the impression of what he heard.
Secondly, during the coronation ceremony of Nicholas II in Moscow, an accident occurred. The city authorities organized a festive event for the peasants and the poor. They were promised free "presents" from the king. So thousands of people ended up on the Khodynka field. At some point, a stampede began, which killed hundreds of passers-by. Later, when there was a revolution in Russia, many called these events symbolic allusions to a future big trouble.
The Russian revolutions also had objective reasons. What were they? In 1904, Nicholas II got involved in the war against Japan. The conflict flared up over the influence of the two rival powers in the Far East. Inept preparation, extended communications, a capricious attitude towards the enemy - all this became the reason for the defeat of the Russian army in that war. In 1905, a peace treaty was signed. Russia gave Japan the southern part of Sakhalin Island, as well as lease rights to the strategically important South Manchurian Railway.
At the beginning of the war, there was a surge of patriotism and hostility to the next national enemies in the country. Now, after the defeat, the revolution of 1905-1907 broke out with unprecedented force. in Russia. People wanted fundamental changes in the life of the state. Discontent was especially felt among the workers and peasants, whose standard of living was extremely low.
Bloody Sunday
The main reason for the start of the civil confrontation was the tragic events in St. Petersburg. On January 22, 1905, a delegation of workers went to the Winter Palace with a petition to the tsar. The proletarians asked the monarch to improve their working conditions, increase wages, etc. There were also political demands, the main of which was to convene a Constituent Assembly - a popular representation on the Western parliamentary model.
The police dispersed the procession. Firearms were used. According to various estimates, between 140 and 200 people died. The tragedy became known as Bloody Sunday. When the event became known throughout the country, mass strikes began in Russia. The dissatisfaction of the workers was fueled by professional revolutionaries and agitators of leftist convictions, who until then had carried out only underground work. The liberal opposition also became more active.
First Russian Revolution
Strikes and strikes had different intensity depending on the region of the empire. Revolution 1905-1907 in Russia, it raged especially strongly on the national outskirts of the state. For example, the Polish socialists managed to convince about 400,000 workers in the Kingdom of Poland not to go to work. Similar riots took place in the Baltic States and Georgia.
The radical political parties (Bolsheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries) decided that this was their last chance to seize power in the country with the help of an uprising of the masses. The agitators worked not only on peasants and workers, but also on ordinary soldiers. Thus began the armed uprisings in the army. The most famous episode in this series is the uprising on the battleship Potemkin.
In October 1905, the united St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies began its work, which coordinated the actions of the strikers throughout the capital of the empire. The events of the revolution took on a most violent character in December. It led to battles on Presnya and other parts of the city.
October 17 Manifesto
In the autumn of 1905, Nicholas II realized that he had lost control of the situation. He could suppress numerous uprisings with the help of the army, but this would not help get rid of the deep contradictions between the government and society. The monarch began to discuss with those close to him measures to reach a compromise with the dissatisfied.
The result of his decision was the Manifesto of October 17, 1905. The development of the document was entrusted to a well-known official and diplomat Sergei Witte. Prior to that, he went to sign peace with the Japanese. Now Witte needed to have time to help his king as soon as possible. The situation was complicated by the fact that two million people were already on strike in October. Strikes covered almost all industries. Rail transport was paralyzed.
The October 17 Manifesto introduced several fundamental changes to the political system of the Russian Empire. Nicholas II had previously held sole power. Now he has transferred part of his legislative powers to a new body - the State Duma. It was supposed to be elected by popular vote and become a real representative body of power.
Also established such public principles as freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, as well as the inviolability of the person. These changes became an important part of the basic state laws of the Russian Empire. Thus, in fact, the first domestic constitution appeared.
Between revolutions
The publication of the Manifesto in 1905 (when there was a revolution in Russia) helped the authorities to take the situation under control. Most of the rebels calmed down. A temporary compromise was reached. The echo of the revolution was still heard in 1906, but now it was easier for the state repressive apparatus to cope with its most implacable opponents who refused to lay down their arms.
The so-called inter-revolutionary period began, when in 1906-1917. Russia was a constitutional monarchy. Now Nicholas had to reckon with the opinion of the State Duma, which could not accept his laws. The last Russian monarch was a conservative by nature. He did not believe in liberal ideas and believed that his sole power was given to him by God. Nikolai made concessions only because he no longer had a way out.
The first two convocations of the State Duma never completed their legal term. A natural period of reaction set in, when the monarchy took revenge. At this time, Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin became the main associate of Nicholas II. His government could not reach an agreement with the Duma on some key political issues. Because of this conflict, on June 3, 1907, Nicholas II dissolved the representative assembly and made changes to the electoral system. III and IV convocations in their composition were already less radical than the first two. A dialogue began between the Duma and the government.
World War I
The main reasons for the revolution in Russia were the sole power of the monarch, which prevented the country from developing. When the principle of autocracy remained in the past, the situation stabilized. Economic growth has begun. Agrarian helped the peasants to create their own small private farms. A new social class has emerged. The country developed and grew rich before our eyes.
So why did subsequent revolutions take place in Russia? In short, Nicholas made the mistake of getting involved in World War I in 1914. Several million men were mobilized. As in the case of the Japanese campaign, at first the country experienced a patriotic upsurge. When the bloodshed dragged on, and reports of defeats began to arrive from the front, society began to worry again. No one could say for sure how long the war would drag on. The revolution in Russia was approaching again.
February Revolution
In historiography, there is the term "Great Russian Revolution". Usually, this generalized name refers to the events of 1917, when two coup d'etat took place in the country at once. The First World War hit hard on the country's economy. The impoverishment of the population continued. In the winter of 1917 in Petrograd (renamed because of anti-German sentiment) mass demonstrations of workers and townspeople began, dissatisfied with the high prices for bread.
This is how the February Revolution took place in Russia. Events developed rapidly. Nicholas II at that time was at Headquarters in Mogilev, not far from the front. The tsar, having learned about the unrest in the capital, boarded a train to return to Tsarskoye Selo. However, he was late. In Petrograd, the disgruntled army went over to the side of the rebels. The city was under the control of the rebels. On March 2, delegates went to the king, persuading him to sign his abdication. So the February Revolution in Russia left the monarchy in the past.
Restless 1917
After the beginning of the revolution was laid, the Provisional Government was formed in Petrograd. It included politicians previously known from the State Duma. They were mostly liberals or moderate socialists. Alexander Kerensky became the head of the Provisional Government.
Anarchy in the country allowed other radical political forces, such as the Bolsheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, to become more active. The struggle for power began. Formally, it was supposed to exist until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, when the country could decide how to live on by a general vote. However, the First World War was still going on, and the ministers did not want to refuse to help their allies in the Entente. This led to a sharp drop in the popularity of the Provisional Government in the army, as well as among the workers and peasants.
In August 1917, General Lavr Kornilov tried to organize a coup d'état. He also opposed the Bolsheviks, regarding them as a radical left-wing threat to Russia. The army was already moving towards Petrograd. At this point, the Provisional Government and Lenin's supporters briefly united. Bolshevik agitators destroyed Kornilov's army from within. The rebellion failed. The provisional government survived, but not for long.
Bolshevik coup
Of all domestic revolutions, the Great October Socialist Revolution is best known. This is due to the fact that its date - November 7 (according to the new style) - has been a public holiday on the territory of the former Russian Empire for more than 70 years.
At the head of the next coup stood Vladimir Lenin and the leaders of the Bolshevik Party enlisted the support of the Petrograd garrison. On October 25, according to the old style, the armed detachments that supported the communists captured key communication points in Petrograd - the telegraph, post office, and railway. The Provisional Government found itself isolated in the Winter Palace. After a short assault on the former royal residence, the ministers were arrested. The signal for the start of the decisive operation was a blank shot fired on the Aurora cruiser. Kerensky was not in the city, and later he managed to emigrate from Russia.
On the morning of October 26, the Bolsheviks were already the masters of Petrograd. Soon the first decrees of the new government appeared - the Decree on Peace and the Decree on Land. The provisional government was unpopular precisely because of its desire to continue the war with Kaiser's Germany, while the Russian army was tired of fighting and was demoralized.
The simple and understandable slogans of the Bolsheviks were popular with the people. The peasants finally waited for the destruction of the nobility and the deprivation of their landed property. The soldiers learned that the imperialist war was over. True, in Russia itself it was far from peace. The Civil War began. The Bolsheviks had to fight for another 4 years against their opponents (whites) throughout the country in order to establish control over the territory of the former Russian Empire. In 1922 the USSR was formed. The Great October Socialist Revolution was an event that heralded a new era in the history of not only Russia, but the whole world.
For the first time in contemporary history, radical communists came to power. October 1917 surprised and frightened Western bourgeois society. The Bolsheviks hoped that Russia would become a springboard for starting a world revolution and destroying capitalism. This did not happen.
