The new conditions for social-democratic work, created in Russia after the October revolution, raised the question of party literature. The distinction between illegal and legal press, this sad legacy of feudal, autocratic Russia, is beginning to disappear. It has not died yet, far from it. The hypocritical government of our minister-premier is still rampaging to the point that Izvestia of the Council of Workers' Deputies is published "illegally", but, apart from shame for the government, except for new moral blows to it, nothing comes out of stupid attempts to "prohibit" what the government will obstruct. not able to.
Given the existence of a distinction between illegal and legal press, the question of party and non-party press was solved in an extremely simple and extremely false, ugly way. All illegal press was party, published by organizations, conducted by groups connected in one way or another with groups of practical workers of the party. The entire legal press was not partisan, because partisanship was banned, but it "gravitated" towards one or another party. Ugly alliances, abnormal "cohabitations", false covers were inevitable; with the forced reticence of people who wished to express party views, the thoughtlessness or cowardice of thought of those who had not grown up to these views, who were not, in essence, a party man, were mingled.
A cursed time for Aesopian speeches, literary servility, slavish language, ideological serfdom! the proletariat put an end to this vileness, from which everything alive and fresh in Russia was suffocating. But the proletariat has so far won only half of the freedom for Russia.
The revolution is not over yet. If tsarism is no longer able to defeat the revolution, then the revolution is not yet able to defeat tsarism. And we live in a time when everywhere and on everything this unnatural combination of open, honest, direct, consistent partisanship with an underground, veiled, "diplomatic", evasive "legality" affects. This unnatural combination is also reflected in our newspaper: no matter how much Mr. Guchkov jokes about the Social Democratic tyranny, which forbids the printing of liberal-bourgeois, moderate newspapers, the fact still remains a fact - the Central Organ of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, Proletarian ", nevertheless remains outside the door of autocratic-police Russia.
After all, half of the revolution forces all of us to start immediately to reorganize the business. Literature can now, even "legally", be 9/10 of the party literature. Literature must become party literature. In opposition to bourgeois mores, in opposition to the bourgeois entrepreneurial, merchant press, in opposition to bourgeois literary careerism and individualism, "lordly anarchism" and the pursuit of profit, the socialist proletariat must put forward the principle of party literature, develop this principle and put it into practice as possible more complete and integral form.
What, then, is this principle of Party literature? Not only that for the socialist proletariat literary work cannot be an instrument of profit for individuals or groups, it cannot in general be an individual matter, independent of the common proletarian cause. Down with non-party writers! Down with the writers of supermen! Literature must become a part of the general proletarian cause, the "wheel and cog" of a single, great Social-Democratic mechanism set in motion by the entire conscious vanguard of the entire working class. Literature must become an integral part of organized, planned, united Social Democratic Party work.
"Any comparison is lame," says a German proverb. My comparison of literature with a cog, living movement with a mechanism also limps. There will even be, perhaps, hysterical intellectuals who will cry out about such a comparison that belittles, deadens, "bureaucratizes" free ideological struggle, freedom of criticism, freedom of literary creation, etc., etc. In essence, such screams are would only be an expression of bourgeois intellectual individualism. There is no doubt that the literary business is least of all amenable to mechanical equalization, leveling, domination of the majority over the minority. There is no doubt that in this matter it is absolutely necessary to provide more space for personal initiative, individual inclinations, openness of thought and fantasy, form and content.
All this is indisputable, but all this proves only that the literary part of the party business of the proletariat cannot be stereotypically identified with other parts of the party business of the proletariat. All this by no means refutes the proposition, alien and strange for the bourgeoisie and bourgeois democracy, that literary work must inevitably and necessarily become inseparably linked with the rest of the social democratic party work. Newspapers should become organs of various party organizations. Writers must certainly enter the party organizations. Publishing houses and warehouses, shops and reading rooms, libraries and various trade in books - all this must become party accountable. All this work should be monitored by the organized socialist proletariat, all of it should be monitored, all this work, without a single exception, should bring a live stream of living proletarian cause, thus taking away any soil from the old, semi-Oblomov, semi-commercial Russian principle: the writer writes, the reader honors.
We will not say, of course, that this transformation of the literary work, spoiled by the Asiatic censorship and the European bourgeoisie, could take place immediately. We are far from thinking of preaching any uniform system or the solution of a problem by several decrees. No, schematism in this area is the least likely to be discussed. The point is that our entire Party, so that the entire class-conscious Social-Democratic proletariat throughout Russia is aware of this new task, clearly poses it and undertakes everywhere and everywhere to solve it. Having emerged from the captivity of the serf censorship, we do not want to go and will not go into the captivity of bourgeois-mercantile literary relations. We want to create and we will create a free press not only in the police sense, but also in the sense of freedom from capital, freedom from careerism; - not only that: also in the sense of freedom from bourgeois-anarchist individualism.
These last words will seem like a paradox or a mockery of the readers. How! perhaps some intellectual, an ardent supporter of freedom, will scream. How! You want the subordination of the collectivity of such a delicate, individual matter as literary creation! You want the workers to decide questions of science, philosophy, aesthetics by a majority vote! You deny the absolute freedom of absolutely individual ideological creativity!
Calm down, gentlemen! First, we are talking about party literature and its subordination to party control. Everyone is free to write and say whatever he wants, without the slightest restriction. But every free union (including the party) is also free to drive out such members who use the party's firm to propagate anti-party views. Freedom of speech and press must be complete. But the freedom of association must also be complete. I am obliged to give you, in the name of freedom of speech, the full right to shout, lie and write anything. But you owe me, in the name of freedom of association, the right to conclude or dissolve an alliance with people who say this and that.
The party is a voluntary union, which would inevitably disintegrate, first ideologically, and then materially, if it did not purge itself of members who preach anti-party views. To determine the line between the party and the anti-party, the party program serves, the tactical resolutions of the party and its charter serve, finally, the entire experience of international social democracy, international voluntary unions of the proletariat, which constantly included in its parties individual elements or trends that were not entirely consistent, not entirely purely Marxist, not entirely correct, but also constantly undertaking periodic "cleansing" of his party.
So it will be with us, gentlemen, supporters of bourgeois "freedom of criticism", within the party: now our party is immediately becoming a mass party, now we are experiencing a sharp transition to an open organization, now we will inevitably include many inconsistent (from the Marxist point of view) people, maybe maybe even some Christians, maybe even some mystics. We have strong stomachs, we are rock-solid Marxists. We will digest these inconsistent people. Freedom of thought and freedom of criticism within the party will never make us forget about the freedom to group people into free unions called parties.
Secondly, gentlemen, bourgeois individualists, we must tell you that your talk about absolute freedom is sheer hypocrisy. In a society based on the power of money, in a society where the masses of the working people are begging and a handful of the rich are parasitized, there can be no real and real "freedom". Are you free from your bourgeois publisher, Mr. Writer? from your bourgeois public, which demands from you pornography in novels and paintings, prostitution as an "addition" to "holy" stage art? After all, this absolute freedom is a bourgeois or anarchist phrase (for, as a world outlook, anarchism is bourgeoisness turned inside out).
It is impossible to live in society and be free from society. The freedom of a bourgeois writer, artist, actress is only a disguised (or hypocritically disguised) dependence on the money bag, on bribery, on content.
And we, socialists, expose this hypocrisy, tear down false signs - not in order to obtain non-class literature and art (this will be possible only in a socialist non-class society), but in order to be hypocritically free, but in fact connected with the bourgeoisie. , to oppose literature with really free literature, openly connected with the proletariat. This will be free literature, because it is not self-interest and not a career, but the idea of socialism and sympathy for the working people, which will recruit new and new forces into its ranks.
It will be free literature, because it will serve not the jaded heroine, not the bored and obese "top ten thousand", but millions and tens of millions of workers who make up the flower of the country, its strength, its future. It will be free literature, fertilizing the last word of the revolutionary thought of mankind with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat, creating constant interaction between the experience of the past (scientific socialism, which completed the development of socialism from its primitive, utopian forms) and the experience of the present (the real struggle of the workers' comrades).
To work, comrades! We are facing a difficult and new, but great and grateful task - to organize a vast, versatile, varied literary work in close and inseparable connection with the Social Democratic workers' movement. All Social Democratic literature must become party literature. All newspapers, magazines, publishing houses, etc., must immediately begin reorganization work, to prepare such a situation that they would enter, on one basis or another, into one or another party organization. Only then will "social democratic" literature become such in reality, only then will it be able to fulfill its duty, only then will it be able, within the framework of bourgeois society, to escape from slavery of the bourgeoisie and merge with the movement of a truly advanced and completely revolutionary class.
"PARTY ORGANIZATION AND PARTY LITERATURE"- article by V.I. Lenin. Publ. 13 (26) Nov 1905 in gas. "New life" (see Poln. Sobr. Soch., 5th ed., V. 12, pp. 99-105). Written in connection with the revolution. events in Russia, which posed new tasks for the party press and artists. lit-swarm. Determining the nature of these tasks, Lenin put forward in his article the proposition that “literary work should become part of the general proletarian cause, the “wheel and cog” of a single, great Social-Democratic mechanism set in motion by the entire conscious vanguard of the entire working class ", while emphasizing that" ... the literary part of the party business of the proletariat cannot be routinely identified with others parts of the party business of the proletariat ”(ibid., pp. 100-101). Having shown that “it is impossible to live in society and be free from society”, that “the freedom of a bourgeois writer, artist, actress is only a disguised (or hypocritically disguised) dependence on the money bag ...”, Lenin contrasted the supposedly free bourgeois.
lit-re “... really free, open literature associated with the proletariat ”(ibid., p. 104). In concludes. parts of the article are defined by Ch. features of the new literature, these Leninist thoughts are, in essence, the basis of the theory of socialist. lawsuit. Here, with amazing depth and accuracy, the paths of his future development are outlined, his artist is indicated. method later called method socialist realism id = links>.
Lenin speaks of the new character of the historian. reality, ch. trait to-swarm - revolutionary. the struggle of the proletariat. The literature born by it will fertilize "... the last word of the revolutionary thought of mankind with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat ...", creating "... constant interaction between the experience of the past (scientific socialism, which completed the development of socialism from its primitive, utopian forms ) and the experience of the present ... ”(ibid.).
In this new historian. Lenin sees the content of the literature as a guarantee of its societies. impact addressed to "... millions and tens of millions of workers who make up the flower of the country, its strength, its future" (ibid.). On the other hand, it is this new content of the literature that will stimulate its growth and development: “... The idea of socialism and sympathy for the working people will recruit new and new forces into its ranks” (ibid.). Obviously, this leads to conclusions about a new type of plot conflicts, which the literature will draw from the life and struggle of the proletariat and decide from the point of view of this struggle; It is just as clear that the literature includes fundamentally new characters born in the process of the living work and struggle of the proletariat ("... the man of the future in Russia is a worker ..." and proletarian socialism. " characterology with the poetics that must accompany them. All this as a whole constituted the special, unconventional character of "... the literary part of the party business of the proletariat ..." (ibid., p. 101). Lenin insistently pointed out that "... literary business of all, it lends itself less to mechanical equalization, leveling ... There is no doubt, - he wrote, - in this matter it is absolutely necessary to ensure greater scope for personal initiative, individual inclinations, scope for thought and fantasy, form and content "(ibid.). cip of partisanship, Lenin especially insisted on the idea of the originality of art: artist. creativity is inconceivable without a variety of forms, styles, ways of depicting; mechanical regulation in this area can only harm the development of art.
The concept of partisanship, according to Lenin, is primarily an ideological tendency that determines all aspects of the relationship between art and reality: the type of hero, the nature of the depiction of societies. process as a whole, artist. purposefulness of creativity. The depth of Lenin's concept of partisanship is socialist. art is all the more significant because it essentially preceded its development, from the analysis of reality, as it were, deduced the nature of that art, which must inevitably correspond with its direction, its method to this new reality; the article touched upon the most important aspects communist partisanship id = links>(vol. 9).
The first artist. a work that can be fully attributed to the free literature described by Lenin, later called the socialist literature. realism, was created shortly after the publication of Lenin's article: this is the novel by M. Gorky "Mother" (1906). Thus, the partisanship of creativity, as shown by Lenin,
was not determined directly. the writer's belonging to the party, not a direct repetition of ready-made propositions and conclusions in his books, but a creative person. appeal to reality itself, to the living work of the socialist. of the proletariat, searching for themes and ideas, plots and characters, which would reveal in the law the tasks and goals for which the party fought and is fighting.
Lenin's article provoked numerous attacks by the adherents of bourgeois individualism; at the same time, her ideas were supported by A. V. Lunacharsky (article "Tasks of Social-Democratic Artistic Creativity", 1907), Gorky (foreword to the "Collection of Proletarian Writers", 1914). In some speeches of a later time, groundless attempts were made to prove that the article did not mean the artist. liter, but only desks. print and journalism, therefore the article has lost its relevance. However, an appeal to the text confirms that Lenin speaks directly about art, about literature and about writers. The article retains its significance as a programmatic speech characterizing the essence and principles of art and literature socialist. realism.
Lit.: Kovalevsky V., V. I. Lenin and artist. liter, M., 1972; Shcherbina V.R., V.I. Lenin and artist. liter, M., 1974; Barabash Yu., The power of the communist. partisanship, Pravda, 1975, 25 Nov .; Novikov V., Lenin's foresight, "Communist", 1975, No. 17.
Stress alignment: PARTY OF LITERATURE
PARTY LITERATURE is such a manifestation of its class character, which is associated with a high level of development of political and ideological struggle, with the advancement to the historical arena of parties defending the interests of opposing social forces. Communist partisanship in various fields of activity, including artistic creativity, corresponds to the objective course of the historical process and in our era is the highest form of nationality, an expression of the fundamental interests of the people. If the true meaning of the partisanship of bourgeois literature is not always clearly understood even by its leaders, and is often and deliberately disguised, speaking, for example, under the guise of "non-partisan", "non-class", then the fighters for communism directly and openly proclaim the idea of and purposefully put it into practice. P. l. in German societies, thought during the preparation of the revolution of 1848 was an expression of the aesthetic advanced for that time. views. The idea of the "party of the people" was put forward in the literature by the revolutionary democratic movement in Russia. The proletarian, communist understanding of P. l. first found expression in the views and practice of the founders of Marxism. While invariably defending the idea of the writer's social activity, K. Marx and F. Engels considered it important to direct this activity in the direction of serving the revolutionary cause. At the same time, it is essential that the struggle for the clarity of the writer's ideological position was combined with high aesthetic exactingness and close attention to the laws of art. Declarativeness, replacing full-blooded artistic images, evoked a critical attitude from Marx and Engels. Their theoretical legacy contains important conclusions regarding the method of artistic portrayal of life in accordance with the interests of the working class in the "socialist tendentious novel," in revolutionary tragedy, etc. (see Tendentiousness). Marx and Engels taught writers to see the history and prospects of social development through the eyes of participants in the "battles of the militant proletariat."
The historical merit of the all-round scientific elaboration of the idea of communist partisanship in the new historical conditions belongs to V.I. Lenin. The article "Party Organization and Party Literature" (1905) and other Leninist works put forward and substantiated a clear criterion for the partisanship of our literature, indicating the organic unity of freedom, the broad creative initiative of the writers of the revolutionary working class and their solidarity around the party. Literature, according to this criterion, can be called communist-party if the subjective aspirations and capabilities of the writers and the objective meaning of their work meet both the specific laws of literary activity and the ideals, program, worldview, common will and experience of the vanguard of the working people, experience of the international revolutionary movement of the proletariat, multiply and enrich this experience. Socialist literature itself is called upon to participate in the formation of public opinion on important issues; deliberately and voluntarily following the course outlined by the party, it must contribute to the further formation and implementation of this course. "This will be free literature, fertilizing the last word of the revolutionary thought of mankind with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat ..." (V. I. Lenin, Poln. Sobr. Soch., Vol. 12, p. 104). Lenin noted that the revolutionary practice of the party has a fruitful effect on the creative work of writers, and this work, in turn, has an effect on revolutionary work. "How many times," he wrote to Gorky, "both party work ... and literary work would have won, by becoming more closely connected with the party, with systematic, continuous influence on the party!" (ibid., vol. 47, p. 134). Lenin saw the guarantee of the militant effectiveness of the revolutionary word, expressing the objective demands of the epoch, in ensuring the indissoluble unity of the party organization and party literature. At the same time, he closely connected with the pursuit of the Communist Party's policy the tasks of not only theoretical work, agitation and propaganda, but also "literary criticism, journalism and artistic creation" (ibid., Vol. 47, p. 145), pointing out the commonality of literary work with other areas of activity and at the same time taking into account all of its originality: "... the literary part of the party business of the proletariat cannot be stereotypically identified with other parts of the party business of the proletariat," fantasy, form and content "(ibid, vol. 12, p. 101). P. l. - an objective historical regularity of the literary process. It is expressed in the aesthetic originality of works, in the main features of their content and form. The artistic method of art, imbued with communist partisanship, is socialist realism, which receives in it incentives and opportunities for a truthful and purposeful embodiment of reality. Since the interests of the working class and the Communist party correspond to the progressive course of history, the communist partisanship calls for an active artistic knowledge of the life process leading to the development of socialist society and the construction of communism. With the ideas and practice of the party, they help the most complete and versatile development of their talent, contribute to the truthful reflection of such layers of reality, into the depths of which writers of other trends could not and cannot penetrate.
The communist partisanship of creativity is clearly manifested in the special character of artistic generalization, typification of characters and circumstances. In any artistic image (from life-like to fantastic), with all its living integrity, features are emphasized, highlighted, conveying those features, laws of real phenomena, to-ry in K.-L. relation are important, essential. The images of the literature imbued with Leninist partisanship, truthfully reflecting reality in its contradictions, leading tendencies, in revolutionary development and perspective, focus primarily on what is objectively important for the struggle and creative activity that the people are leading under the leadership of the party ... A significant place in the literature of socialist realism is occupied by the image of a new hero, a staunch fighter for communist ideals, a reflection of the historical activities of the people - the conscious creator of history - in typical circumstances, in all the severity of social conflicts of the era of revolution and the construction of socialism. "The main line in the development of literature and art," says the CPSU Program, "is the strengthening of ties with the life of the people, a truthful and highly artistic display of the wealth and diversity of socialist reality, an inspired and vivid reproduction of the new, truly communist, and the exposure of everything that opposes the movement of society. forward". At the same time, the literature of socialist realism does not limit itself to a circle of predetermined topics, problems, artistic tasks; it contributes to the upbringing of a comprehensively developed, harmonious personality of a man of the new world. From this point of view, writers give in their works an aesthetic, ideological and emotional assessment of everything depicted in modern times and the historical past. "The goals of the class struggle for a classless society determine in their work the dialectical unity of class and universal principles. creativity with the political tasks of the socialist society does not equalize or shackle creative individuals, but, on the contrary, educates and hardens them, gives them wide scope for free self-expression and artistic discoveries. , aimed at the good of the people, determine the tasks of literary literature.
Associated with the variety of these tasks is the variety of innovative searches in the field of content and artistic means. Communist partisanship presupposes breadth and versatility in the formulation and artistic solution of pressing problems, in addressing various topics, genres, styles, depending on the differences in writer's interests and inclinations. This is convincingly evidenced by the experience of multinational Soviet literature, unified in its ideological purposefulness and at the same time rich in distinctive, original talents, the experience of a number of literatures of socialist countries.
Communist Party membership opens up new opportunities for creativity according to the laws of beauty, bringing joy and inspiration to millions of people. Lenin called that "truly beautiful, which is rich in world culture", "the starting point for further development." He said that the new social order "is capable of creating beauty immeasurably surpassing everything that could only be dreamed of in the past" (V. I. Lenin, On Literature and Art, 4th ed., Pp. 663, 685) ... In the literature of socialist realism, this is associated with the affirmation of the communist ideal, with the expansion of the possibilities of creative imagination, which contributes to the activation of the creative energy of the people, with the enrichment of the sphere of general interest, with the harmony of a new artistic concept of the world and man. Lenin applied the criterion of communist partisanship to the entire socialist literature, to the great socialist "mechanism" that unites the activities of all those whose participation in literary work is carried out under the sign of serving the tasks of the people and the party. Liter, inspired by the communist party spirit, develops in the countries of the socialist community and makes its way in the world of capitalism, being at the forefront of the struggle of progressive world culture against all reactionary ideological currents and tendencies.
Lit .: Marks K. and Engels F., Obisk-ve, t. 1 - 2, M., 1967; Lenin V.I., About literature and art, 4th ed., M., 1969; V. I. Lenin and questions of literary knowledge, M. - L., 1961; V.I.Lenin and literature, M., 1963; V. I. Lenin and art, M., 1969; Lenin's legacy and the science of literature, L., 1969; Lenin's heritage and literature of the XX century, M., 1969; Aesthetic heritage of V. I. Lenin and problems of art, M., 1971; V. I. Lenin and A. M. Gorky, M., 1958; V. I. Lenin and A. V. Lunacharsky, M., 1971; V. I. Lenin and the Science of Literature. Bibliographic index. 1955-1968, L., 1970.
A.G. Dubrovin.
Sources:
- Dictionary of literary terms. Ed. From 48 comp .: L.I. Timofeev and S.V. Turaev. M., "Education", 1974. 509 p.
- "Party organization and party literature" - article by V. I. Lenin. It was first published in the newspaper "Novaya Zhizn" No. 12 dated November 13 (26), 1905 under the pseudonym N. Lenin. In the 5th edition of V.I.Lenin's PSS, the article is given in volume 12 on pages 99-105.
A well-known statement from this article: "Literary work must become a part of the general proletarian cause," a wheel and a cog "of one single, great Social Democratic mechanism set in motion by the entire conscious vanguard of the entire working class."
"It is impossible to live in society and be free from society" is a frequently quoted and widely known phrase from this article by Lenin.
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Wed See also Lenin: "For the socialist proletariat, literary work cannot be an instrument of profit for individuals or groups, it cannot be an individual matter at all" (" Party organization and party literature", 1905). Lenin, 12: 100.
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Ideological control in Soviet science is the assessment by the state and party-state authorities of Soviet Russia and the USSR of scientific directions and research from the point of view of their compliance with the dominant ideology of Marxism-Leninism and the declared goal of social development - the construction of socialism and communism. Along with constant administrative control over the development of fundamental and applied sciences, party control resulted in a campaign of repression, during which some scientific ...
Pedocracy (literally "the power of children"; from ancient Greek. Παῖς "child" + κράτος "power, state, power") - the domination of young people in public life or a separate social movement. The term has a negative connotation and is used in conservative journalism.
"Ilyich's behests" (or "Lenin's behests") is a popular expression in Soviet times, which indicated that the Soviet country lived and developed along the path outlined by its founder Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Sometimes the last articles and notes of Lenin were considered as behests, in other cases a wider range of works was referred to the category of behests. Some of Lenin's quotes gained particular popularity as behests, for example: “Study, study, study, as bequeathed ...
Jewish periodicals - periodicals (magazines, newspapers, etc.), which are either created in the Hebrew languages (Hebrew, Yiddish, Ladino), or, due to the nature of their content, appeal mainly to the Jewish audience. Jewish periodicals do not limit themselves to issues affecting exclusively Jewishness, but may include global and local news, as well as literary, artistic and scientific materials.
The Vladimir Encyclopedia (biobibliographic dictionary) is a regional reference edition designed for the widest circle of readers. The volume includes over 2,600 articles about representatives of various spheres of human activity, one way or another connected with the region: its natives or those who, although not born on the Vladimir land, connected their lives with it and realized their creative potential here, or made a significant contribution in her study.
"Questions of Philosophy and Psychology" ("Questions of Philosophy and Psychology") is a journal published in Moscow from November 1889 to 1918 under the Moscow Psychological Society. The inspiration for the creation and the first editor-in-chief of the magazine was N. Ya. Grot.
The Khrushchev Thaw is an unofficial designation of the period in the history of the USSR after the death of I.V. Stalin, which lasted for about ten years (mid-1950s - mid-1960s). It was characterized in the internal political life of the USSR by the condemnation of the personality cult of Stalin and the repressions of the 1930s, the release of political prisoners, the elimination of the Gulag, the weakening of totalitarian power, the emergence of some freedom of speech, the relative liberalization of political and social life, openness to the West ...
"You cannot live in society and be free from society." These words of V. I. Lenin provide the key to understanding the question of the partisanship of literature.
Bourgeois critics and writers at one time created theories according to which art, regardless of social life: a poet, novelist, playwright supposedly creates their works, like Pushkin's chronicler Pimen, "heeding good and evil indifferently." The thesis was put forward about "pure art", supposedly free from any social predilections and sympathies. But it was an illusion that could only disguise the artist's real connection with society. The principle of party literature was defended by many of the world's foremost writers who fought for its active, transformative role (French enlighteners of the 18th century, Russian revolutionary democrats of the 19th century).
Marxism-Leninism substantiated the principle of the partisanship of literature, relying on the entire centuries-old experience of literature, linked it with one of the most important provisions of Marxism - with the doctrine of classes, of the class struggle. K. Marx and F. Engels proved with irrefutable convincingness that all history in the past was the history of the class struggle. Each artist, whether he wanted it or not, in one way or another expressed in his work the moods, feelings, ideology of a certain class. True, the great writers of the past knew how to rise above the interests of their class and often became the spokesmen for the nation's thoughts and aspirations.
For the first time the term "party spirit" appeared on the pages of the "New Rhine newspaper" during the revolution of 1848 in Germany. Literary and artistic materials, printed on the pages of the newspaper, corresponded to the principle of proletarian partisanship.
The historical merit in the development of the principles of communist partisanship belongs to V.I. Lenin. From the first steps of his activity, he raised the question of the partisanship of ideology: "... materialism includes, so to speak, partisanship, obliging, in any assessment of an event, to directly and openly take the point of view of a certain social group" (Poln, collected works Vol. 1 . P. 419)
Lenin substantiated the principle of partisanship most broadly in his work "Party Organization and Party Literature" in 1905. Its main thesis is clearly expressed. Literary work must become an integral part of the general proletarian work. A tremendous class struggle is unfolding in Russia. The country is heading for revolution. And every artist faces a burning and acute question: with whom is he - with the forces of reaction, the old world, or with the people, with the working class fighting for a brighter future? Lenin exposes the bourgeois slogan of the "non-partisanship" of art and contrasts it with art openly associated with the revolutionary people.
Thus, the partisanship of literature is the inner ideological and political aspiration of creativity. In our conditions, this is primarily an organic connection with the interests of the people, with their struggle for the triumph of the ideals of communism, for building a new society.
Putting forward with such decisiveness the question of the ideological and political self-determination of artists, V.I. and the specificity of artistic creation. He emphasized that literary work lends itself least of all to mechanical alignment and that here it is necessary to provide greater scope for personal initiative, individual inclinations, thoughts and imaginations of the artist.
The principle of communist partisanship is one of the cornerstones of our entire worldview, of all our art. Naturally, it found its expression throughout the history of Soviet literature, in the literature of socialist realism abroad.
The literature of socialist realism does not simply reproduce certain aspects of reality. Communist partisanship presupposes an active, passionate, interested intervention of the writer in life. In this sense, literature actively and ardently helps to educate the new man of the revolutionary era.
The partisanship is expressed not only in the ideological and political essence of the work. In art, it is primarily manifested in the fact that the party's assessment of life directly follows from those pictures of life that the writer (or representatives of other types of art) draws. The protagonists of the work, especially the positive characters and usually the image of the narrator, are associated in the reader's view with the assertion in the human person of the principles of communist morality and behavior and the struggle for this morality (or, in the depiction of negative characters, with a feeling of indignation caused by its violation), plots ultimately are built on the clash of various principles of attitude to life, affirming the communist attitude to reality or opposing them, the language reveals the features of the human personality, in the same way depicting the type of its consciousness, attitude to the world of communism under construction (for example, in "Young Guard" A A. Fadeeva) and everything that opposes him. In each genre, in its own way, depending on the historical situation, on the outlook and talent of the writer, the communist partisanship finds its aesthetic expression in critical analysis, since it is inextricably linked with the method of socialist realism.
After the victory of October, the Leninist principle of partisanship was further developed in party documents on literature and art, summarizing the many years of experience of party leadership and providing a deeply scientific analysis of Soviet literature at the present stage. The Resolution of the 27th Congress of the CPSU notes: “The Party supports and will continue to support everything talented in literature and art, imbued with the spirit of the party spirit and nationality. The norm for the work of party organizations with the artistic intelligentsia is ideological adherence to principles and exactingness, respect for talent, tact. "
