Spiritual life of the Kuban population at the end of the 18th - 20th centuries: dynamics and traditions of folk culture. Cultural life of the Kuban Spiritual life of the Kuban

The urgency of the problem. In the era of globalization, cultural symbols and forms of behavior are rapidly moving from one society to another. Electronization of communication means allows transmission of visual information over long distances, contributing to the formation of cultural stereotypes on a global scale. Expansion of the sphere of cross-border interactions of people, enterprises, markets leads to the leveling of ethnic cultures. Feeling the threat to its cultural identity, humanity is increasingly experiencing the need to preserve national and regional specificity. In this regard, the problems of the local history of culture, its evolution and traditions are especially actualized.

In modern conditions, the most noticeable is the contradiction, which is expressed, on the one hand, in the assertion of certain common cultural norms and values \u200b\u200bin the public consciousness, and on the other, in people's awareness of their ethnic and cultural identity. This tendency was revealed by the 2002 All-Russian Population Census: the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a single nation “Soviet people” was untenable. The poll showed that there is a strong craving for national identity and identity in society. There appeared such variants of self-determination as "Cossack", "Pomor", "Pecheneg", "Polovtsian". The unity and spiritual enrichment of Russians is seen in the achievement of cultural diversity. Under these conditions, the study and dissemination of historical and cultural experience in its spiritual sphere takes on a special meaning, but at the same time, it should be recognized that negative sentiments are strong in society. The loss of socio-cultural reference points, the mismatch of value systems and living standards create a feeling of catastrophic life, cause a feeling of inferiority and aggression. All this inevitably leads to social, religious and ethnic tensions. Lack of scientifically based cultural policy hinders the solution of the problem. It is clear that the formulation of such a policy should be based on the lessons of the past.

The possibilities for the formation of a new ideological paradigm in Russian society directly depend on how national roots are preserved. In this regard, it is necessary to create conditions for the self-development of traditional ethnic cultures that can serve as a moral guideline for new generations. The expansion of the sphere of cultural life can and should take place through the inclusion of various strata of the population in socio-cultural creativity, enrichment of interests and development of initiatives. That is why, studies of the original traditions of folk culture and its evolution are of particular relevance.

The dynamics of ethnocultural processes in regions largely depends on how certain channels that transmit cultural information function. Traditions that allow preserving the spiritual heritage for a sufficiently long time act as a mechanism for broadcasting sociocultural experience. Scientific conclusions and recommendations based on the study of folk culture, aimed at substantiating ways to optimize ethnocultural processes in Russian regions, can play a large role in solving this problem. The absence of large-scale historical works in this area predetermined the choice of the topic, which we formulated as the history of the formation and development of the spiritual life of the Slavic population of the Kuban (using the example of the folk culture of the region in the unity of its content and dynamic sides).

Spiritual life, folk culture and its manifestations are studied by various scientific disciplines of the humanitarian profile - historical science, philosophy, cultural studies, social anthropology, art history, folklore studies, ethnography, aesthetics, etc. Each of them strives to form its own subject of research. A specific feature of the study of this object is that folklore is one of the main sources for identifying the transformation of spiritual life in its basic component. That is why, as an object of research, we chose the spiritual life of the Slavic population of the Kuban in the process of its historical development, starting from the end of the 18th century and over the next two centuries.

Subject of research: the relationship between social traditions and the dynamics of folk culture as an integral part of the spiritual world of the Kuban Slavs.

The geographical boundaries of the Kuban region began to take shape after the victory of Russia in the war with Turkey in 1768 - 1774. In order to defend against attacks from belligerent neighbors led by A.B. Suvorov in 1777, the Caucasian line of fortifications was erected, stretching from Azov to Mozdok. Regular troops were stationed along it. Since 1783, the Kuban River became the border of the Russian state. To ensure the political and economic superiority of Russia in the North Caucasus, it was decided to settle the vacant lands. According to the charter granted by Catherine II, vast territories from the Taman Peninsula along the right bank of the Kuban River to the confluence of the Laba were assigned to the Black Sea Cossack army, which consisted of a part of the former Zaporozhye army and representatives of various segments of the population of Ukraine.

On August 25, 1792, the Black Sea naval forces landed on the Taman Peninsula. Following the flotilla, two foot regiments with their families arrived by dry route through the Crimea and set up an observation post at the old Temryuk. The cavalry, infantry and military train under the command of the koshevoy ataman Chepi-gi, having crossed the Bug, Dnieper and Don, approached Taman from the north. Having overwintered on the Yeisk spit, the Black Sea residents in early spring moved into the interior. The main combat units were located in the Karasunsky kut at the confluence of the old channel into the Kuban River, where the military residence of the city of Yekaterinodar was later founded. In the spring and summer of 1793, the mass, organized resettlement of the Black Sea residents continued. The population was accommodated in kurens by lot. Eight kurens - Vasyurinsky, Korsunsky, Plastunovsky, Dinskoy, Pashkovsky, Velichkovsky, Timoshevsky and Rogovskaya were left at the Kuban. In the northern part of Chernomoria, near the Don region along the river Ee, Shcherbinovskaya, Derevyankovskiy, Konelovskiy, Shkurinskiy, Kislyakovskiy, Ekaterinovskiy, Nezamayevskiy and Kalnibolotskiy kurens were founded, at the tributary of the same river Kugoeyi - Kushchevskiy, at another tributary of the Sasyk - Minsk, Pereyaslavskiy and Umanskiy. Irklievsky and Bryukhovetsky are located in the upper reaches of the Albashi river, on the Tikhenskaya river - Krylovsky and on Chelbasi - Leushkovsky kuren. Berezansky, Baturinsky, Korenovsky, Dyadkovsky, Platnirovsky and Sergievsky kurens were distant from the Kuban River and the Circassians. Ten kurens were placed in a triangle between the Sea of \u200b\u200bAzov and the Kuban River: Popovichesky, Myshastovsky, Ivanovsky, Nizhesteb-Lieevsky, Vyshesteblievsky, Poltavsky, Dzherelievsky, Kanevskoy, Medvedovsky, Gitarovsky kureni (1).

The old Caucasian line and the eastern regions were settled by the Don Cossacks and settlers from the southern Russian provinces. They were located in the fortifications, later renamed into the villages of Ust-Labinskaya, Kavkazskaya, Prochnokopskaya, Grigoropolisskaya, Temnolesskaya, Vorovskoleskaya (2). In 1802, the Cossacks of the Yekaterinoslav army (from Ukraine) were resettled to the Staraya Line, who founded Temizhbekskaya, Kazan, Tiflis, Ladoga, and two years later Voronezhskaya stanitsa. In 1825, the Khopersk and Volga Cossacks in the upper reaches of the Kuban and Kuma rivers equipped Nevinnomyssk, Belomechetskaya, Batalpashinskaya, Bekeshevskaya, Suvorovskaya, Borgustanskaya, Essentukskaya stanitsa (Z).

Zakuban lands were located south of the confluence of the Kuban and Laba rivers to the Terek region. The colonization of Trans-Kuban began in the 1840s due to the influx of Cossacks from the linear and Black Sea villages of the Kuban, settlers from the central provinces and soldiers who remained after the end of military service.

In Soviet times, the administrative-territorial division was characterized by extreme instability ^). In the first post-revolutionary years, the region was called the Kuban-Black Sea region. By the decision of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR, in 1922, at the expense of a part of the Krasnodar Territory and the Maikop Department, the Circassian (Adyghe) Autonomous Region was created, which became part of the Kuban-Black Sea Region. Most of the Batalpashinsky department was transferred to the Terek region and the Karachay-Cherkess autonomous region.

In 1924, the Don, Kuban, Tersk and Stavropol provinces, the city of Grozny, which was part of the district, Kabardino-Balkarian, Karachay-Cherkess, Adyghe and Chechen autonomous regions united into the South-Eastern Territory with the center in Rostov-on-Don. In the same year, the region was renamed the North Caucasian. In 1934 the region was downsized. The Azov-Black Sea region with the center in Rostov-on-Don included some districts of the Kuban and the Adyghe Autonomous Region. The city of Pyatigorsk became the center of the North Caucasian Territory. In September 1937, the Azov-Black Sea Territory was divided into the Krasnodar Territory and the Rostov Region. In 1991, the Adyghe Autonomous Republic became an independent subject of the Russian Federation. It is customary to call Kuban the territory of the former Kuban region and the present Krasnodar Territory, with the exception of a part of the eastern regions, which became part of the Stavropol Territory in Soviet times, and a part of the southern regions that are part of Karachay-Cherkessia.

The chronological framework of the dissertation covers more than two hundred years: from the end of the 18th to the end of the 20th century. The choice of these time parameters is due to the fact that over two centuries in the spiritual life of the Slavs of the Kuban, as well as in Russia in general, there have been qualitative changes. A once distinctive national culture based on the Orthodox faith formed the foundation of the Russian state. The ideals of the Russian people were the church, family, and traditional values. The rejection of the primordial spiritual traditions in favor of supranational, universal ones, the atheization of education and upbringing in the XX century led society to devastation and decline. The denial of the religious foundations of culture and folklore traditions of the past during the years of Soviet power, the imposition of liberal ideas of the West on the people in the post-Soviet period is an example of how the spiritual basis of society is depersonalized and artificially destroyed. The future of the country, its security, socio-economic development and position in the world should be viewed in inseparable connection with the restoration of the historical memory of Russian civilization, the revival "and strengthening of the national-conservative worldview and cultural experience.

Methodological basis of the dissertation. The complexity of the object of research and the nature of the tasks set made it necessary to use a set of methods. One of them was a systematic approach, which made it possible to consider the spiritual culture of the Kuban Slavs as an open dynamic system with many subsystems closely related to each other, mutually influencing and complementing each other. A systematic consideration of the internal structure and functioning of spiritual production has three dimensions: human, procedural and objective, which involves identifying the necessary components of each link.

The genetic method created the conditions for understanding the etymology of the content and meaning of folk views, poetic images, genres, the evolution of cultural phenomena in time and space.

The functional and retrospective methods made it possible to identify the changes that occurred in certain cultural objects, to comprehend them as specifically significant units. The fact that, in the course of historical development, cultural objects have performed and perform many functions required an analysis of their nature and purpose. The spiritual culture of the Slavic population of the Kuban was conceived of as an original, integrated system, parts and layers of which perform mutually agreed functions. To understand the dynamics of spiritual production, it was necessary to analytically divide this process into a number of aspects - a system of knowledge, beliefs, morality, various ways of creative self-expression, etc.

For the most complete coverage of the selected problem, the author considered it necessary to use a comparative historical method based on comparing similar data in order to study historical ties and the environment that formed and modified the spiritual world of the Slavs-Kuban. The research carried out in this perspective made it possible to reveal more fully the true meaning and value of cultural heritage, its relationship with historical reality, place and role in the spiritual life of society.

Interpretation of folk culture as a basic element of spirituality from a historical point of view involves the description of a chronological series of individual phenomena, showing how the elements of culture have become different in the process of their development. The method makes it possible to better understand and explain the events of spiritual everyday life that influenced the course of the cultural history of the Kuban.

Historical anthropology, which has developed rapidly since the 30s of the XX century, has armed us with the methods of an interdisciplinary approach, which made it possible to put into circulation sources that are non-traditional for historical science. Among them are folklore monuments that give an idea of \u200b\u200bthe evolution of mentality, of the socio-psychological characteristics of the carriers of cultural values. In this regard, it seems appropriate to us to use the tools of linguistics and semiotics.

Using the linguistic method, the language of folklore texts and their role in the functioning of the mechanism for the exchange of cultural information were studied.

Textual analysis helped to establish trends in the interaction of dialects and literary vocabulary. The semiotic method required the consideration of works of folk art as a result of symbolic activity: coding, storage, dissemination, reproduction of knowledge and cultural experience, the impact on consciousness by symbolic means. The combination of verbal, musical and pictorial sign systems created the prerequisites for a more complete understanding of the meaning and purpose of folklore works.

Comprehension of the logic of the dynamic shifts that took place in the spiritual everyday life of the Slavs of the Kuban over two centuries helped to formulate the general laws of the transformation of old and the emergence of new cultural formations in the course of the historical process.

The historiography of the research is determined, firstly, by the author's ideas about the interdisciplinary space for studying the spiritual life of the people, secondly, by the historical context of this space, and finally, thirdly, by the locality of the community, whose spiritual culture is subjected to historical analysis. Based on this, the literature we studied includes a wide area of \u200b\u200bhumanitarian research, both in time and in problem space.

All Russian scientific literature can be divided into several chronological periods: late 18th - 30s of the 19th century .; 40s of the XIX -20s of the XX centuries; 30s - 50s of the XX century .; 60s - 80s of the XX century; 90s of XX - beginning of XXI century. Within the framework of these periods, the author examines the history of the study of spiritual culture, first of all, by historical science. However, the problem of the correlation between folklore and the historical process was methodologically investigated by linguists, folklorists proper, art historians, sociologists, and culturologists. Their works contain valuable observations for the historian, so they cannot be ignored in this historiographical review. For our research, the reflections of philosophers, and humanitarians in general, about the essence of human culture, about the concept of spirituality, including in relation to Russian history, are fundamentally significant in methodological terms. Finally, a significant section of the historiography of this dissertation problem includes local studies of both a general historical and local history character, and regional folklorists.

As you know, European literature in the second half of the 18th century was going through the era of classicism. Russian writers, using plots taken from ancient history and Greco-Roman mythology, still turned their eyes to legendary heroes from the past of their people. But the rules of classicism did not provide for such heroes to be taken from the "muzhik" epic, therefore they were found in ancient Russian and Moscow historical works (legendary Kiy, Khorev, Slaven, Rus and others). The criterion that determined the study of history was "common sense", "rationalism", "reason". Scholars of the Enlightenment persisted in creating scientific concepts that opposed the metaphysical passions of their predecessors. “GT Education, in short, was an era that devoted itself (at least in terms of its dominant tendencies) to simplification and standardization of thought,” wrote Arthur Lovejoy (5). Criticizing this historian, V.N. Already in the first half of the 18th century, Tatishchev noted that "extraordinary deeds will tell and many fables and superstitious miracles fill history" (6).

According to the testimony of our contemporary, scientist-historian S.I. Malovich-ko, from the end of the 80s of the 18th century, Empress Catherine II and the Russian writer, freemason I.P. Elagin, who saw the possibility of using folk tales and epics as sources for their historical works (7). In particular I.P. Elagin pointed out that the "songs" reported by buffoons in the markets "undoubtedly meant the mores and customs and the very character of the people" (8).

In the late 60s of the 18th century, the famous Russian writer M.D. Chulkov, despite the "rules" of classicism, begins collecting folk tales, superstitions, epics, songs, etc. (9). However, such an appeal to folk culture among some Russian writers was not yet systematic. It was perceived either as a national flavor in the historical work of Catherine II and I.P. Elagin, or as an appeal to the delights of the conventional "rural" life, opposed to the city by M.D. Chulkov.

Since the end of the 18th century, the discourse of literary sentimentalism has increasingly included folk themes (N. Karamzin, P. Shalikov, P. Makarov, V. Izmailov). Russian writers sentimentalists to a certain extent anticipated the tradition of searching for spiritual values \u200b\u200boutside the city - in the conditions of nature and rural reality 10). Popular themes raised by sentimentalists of the early 19th century influenced European historiography of the Romantic period. Benedetto Croce remarked about this historiographic paradigm as follows: "With the inevitability of a stream returning to a natural channel, sweeping away all artificial barriers, now, after a long rationalistic asceticism, eyes have turned to the old religion, to the old national and local customs" (11). It was under the influence of this historiographic paradigm, as opposed to the “History of the Russian State” by N.M. Karamzin, writer and historian H.A. Polevoy wrote a five-volume History of the Russian People (12). The nascent Russian archeology was also influenced by the new scientific fashion. In the 20s of the XIX century D.Z. Khodakovsky presented a plan for studying the settlements scattered throughout Eastern Europe, and in numerous subsequent articles he pointed to the settlements as the places of the former pagan ka-pish (13). The researcher came to the conclusion about the "holy trenches" not as a result of excavations and observation of monuments, but by attracting an element of spiritual culture - folk legends as a historical source ^). Discussion around the researcher's hypothesis revealed both its opponents (15) and few supporters (16). However, arguing with the archaeologist, some famous Russian scientists, such as I.I. Sreznevsky, were forced to turn to the study of Russian spiritual culture in order to understand how folk legends can serve as a source for historical constructions ^?).

Interest in the history of culture in Russian historiography was directly related to the growth of national self-awareness in Russian society in the 1840s. It was at this time that serious studies appeared on folk life and folklore in general.

Within the framework of the romantic paradigm in the humanitarian sphere of knowledge, the process of active collection of folklore legends, epics, songs, proverbs, etc. begins. On the one hand, this movement was due to the close attention of European science to historical and literary topics and to folk literature in particular, and on the other hand, to the formation of Russian philology as a science and the Slavophil trend in Russian social thought. Professional historiography, which turned into a scientific branch in the 40s, paid more attention to the search for the deep meaning of history, actively followed the development of institutions of state power and the evolution of the Russian legal system (18). The dissertation of the young romantic N.I., which was of a protest against the state trend established in science. Kostomarova "On the Historical Significance of Russian Folk Poetry" (1844), at that time could not have a significant impact on historical thought. At the same time, in the dissertation and historical monographs of the scientist, his interest in topics that required an appeal to folklore sources and ethnography was determined (19).

Slavophilism itself, which followed both some ideas of the German Romantics-Schellingians, who were looking for their own German way in history (sonderweg), as well as West Slavic Slavophilic historians who found among the Slavs the "primordial" beginning - communality (20), as well as their own constructions, appealed to the people, not as a bearer of certain historical knowledge, but as an ethnographic element and an ideological “piggy bank”. Proceeding from the antithesis, the Westernizers, to a greater extent, representing the state (legal) direction in Russian historiography, domestic Slavophiles tried to substantiate the difference between national "ideas" that existed in Western Europe and in Russia (I.V. Kireevsky, KS Aksakov et al. .). Operating with the concept of "people", they denied a legal, formal relationship in relation to "land", "community" and looked for "inner truth" among the people. But at the same time they used only hypothetical historiosophical constructions and official historical sources, not paying attention to the history of Russian spiritual culture (21). At the same time, their influence on Russian humanities and, in particular, philology, turned out to be quite strong.

At the same time, it was philology, working at the interface with historical research, that began to pay attention to the historical significance of the Russian epic. For example, L.N. Maikov put forward the idea that the Russian epic is a true echo of Russian historical life (22). The famous historian of Russian literature O.F. Miller was strongly influenced by the collections of Russian folk songs published at that time by Kireevsky and Rybnikov; everything of the people became sacred to him. Studying Russian epics, the scientist strove to show the moralizing side of the epic epic. The mythological interpretation of the epic allowed Miller to postpone the genesis of epics to the time of prehistoric antiquity and to give the epic an everyday interpretation, to recognize it as an exponent of Russian folk ideals. Through the use of a historical approach to the study of epics, Miller, who sympathized with the Slavophiles, saw in Ancient Russia the dominance of the communal spirit, the "council of the people" and the triumph of true Christian beginnings (23). Also influenced by the Slavophiles F.I. Buslaev, expanded the range of sources of folk literature at the expense of not only Slavic, but also Germanic legends, which led him to the conclusion: ancient mythological images are common to the German-Slavic world, "the era of worship of the elements" (24).

The positivist historiographic paradigm, which had been established in Russian historical science since the 1960s, did not allow professional historians to turn to sources that were “non-traditional” for disciplinary history. This led to the fact that those who felt the need to return to a concrete study of Russian antiquity, St. Petersburg professor K.D. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Moscow professor V.O. Klyuchevsky and others, could indicate the significance of the historical knowledge of folk culture, but such knowledge was secondary in relation to the official archival documents, which contained information about historical facts (25).

Positivist, analyst and literary historian A.N. When studying folk songs and spiritual poetry, Veselovsky discarded all a priori constructions and previously accepted categories, removed definitions built by Miller and Buslaev on the basis of abstract signs, and adhered only to a strict sequence of facts. Grouping spiritual culture in historical continuity and evolution, the scientist did not hesitate to take facts from various sources, clarifying the gaps of the past by observing the present, bringing together phenomena at the lower and higher levels of creativity, if they were caused by similar mental conditions (26).

Despite the outlined expansion of the source base of historical science, monuments of spiritual culture were considered a secondary type of sources, since they did not contain irrefutable facts in the views of professional historians. However, by the end of the 19th century, questions of spiritual culture had already begun to be considered within the framework of the history of Russian culture. This was evidenced by the publication of the generalizing works of P.N. Milyukov (27), who continued the traditions of the state-historical school, which also affected the coverage of the spiritual foundations of Russian culture. In domestic science "Essays on the history of Russian culture" P.N. Milyukov were the first experience of popular science description of the socio-cultural process. Each of the problems, such as: population, economic life, state and class system, faith, creativity, education, the author explored in the process of historical development. Like many positivists, Milyukov looked for an explanation of social processes in human nature, bringing them under the laws of biology and psychology. At the same time, he opposed the monistic view of history.

Milyukov considered the church and school to be the main factor in the formation of the spirituality of the Russian people. The results of the analysis allowed him to give an answer to the central question of the second part of the work - about the origin and the most characteristic features of the spiritual discord between the intelligentsia and the people. In the context of the problems of this dissertation, Milyukov's conclusion that pagan antiquity remained inviolable for a long time and for centuries coexisted peacefully alongside the official forms of the new religion. Dual faith was one of the features of Russian cultural history.

The materialistic concept of the history of culture, based on the Marxist point of view, was reflected in the works of G.V. Plekhanov. In Letters Without an Address, he wrote that he looks “at art, as at all social phenomena, from the point of view of a materialistic understanding of history” (28). Plekhanov believed that the material conditions of society's life are the source of the spiritual needs of the people. Therefore, the origins of folk culture lie in the utilitarian approach of people of a classless society to the world around them. In his works, Plekhanov put forward the thesis about the Asian nature of the Russian historical process, which, in the author's opinion, could not but affect the spiritual life of the Russian people.

The main plots of the work of M.N. Pokrovsky, written in line with the above ideas, are economic life as the basis of the cultural process in historical development. He established such a tradition of Soviet historiography as the study of the history of culture in the form of a set of its individual areas. At the same time, folklore stood out as an independent block within the history of the formation of the ancient Russian state (29).

Since the late 1920s, when, through the efforts of the new government, the concept of "spirituality" is replaced by the concept of "ideological", a different methodological attitude towards the study of Russian culture has been developed. The fundamental thesis was, according to the class principle, V.I. Lenin's position on two cultures in each national culture: the culture of the working people and the culture of the exploiting classes. Folklore, both in Soviet historical science and in other areas of national humanities of that time, began to be identified with oral folk poetry, where nationality was also interpreted from the standpoint of Soviet ideology, when only selected social groups - the "working people" had the right to "nationality" ... The bearers of folklore began to be exclusively the working masses, that is, the peasantry and the proletariat. Ultimately, all other social groups in society were denied the right to their oral tradition. Folklore was viewed as a simple reflection of the real folk socio-economic reality, without taking into account the methodological achievements of historical anthropology. Therefore, in the early 30s, the tradition of historical and cultural analysis of folklore in the context of spiritual and everyday life was seriously weakened, and the folklore of various eras was practically not perceived by Soviet historians as a historical source of the spiritual sphere of national existence. In particular, B.D. Grekov proposed to solve the difficult research task “to penetrate into the heart and brain of a Slav so far from us”, using folklore. When analyzing the inner world of our distant ancestors, along with archaeological materials and testimonies of ancient and Byzantine writers, the historian paid attention to the “remnants ,. those who remained to exist in fairy tales, songs, epics, customs ”(30). Unfortunately, Grekov himself did not turn to such an analysis, limiting himself to materials from foreign witnesses. As a successor of the state historical school in the Soviet version, the researcher preferred to use all the historical sources at his disposal for the typification and synchronization of all historical processes in Russia to the Western European vector (31).

As noted above, the majority of Soviet cultural historians considered folklore within the framework of a specific area of \u200b\u200bculture - literature, thereby, ignoring large layers of non-verbal folk culture. This approach is typical for a series of essays on the history of Russian culture (32). At the same time, these publications contain a number of valuable comments on the relationship between folklore and history. So in the book on the history of Russian culture of the Middle Ages in the essay by O.V. Orlova's "Literature" emphasizes that folklore has retained high popular ideals that are of enduring importance. For the proposed historical research, a comment about the broad typification of the historical process in the epic epic, about its abstraction from specific historical events (ЗЗ) is valuable.

Certain issues of folk art were touched upon in the works of Soviet researchers on the history of culture of different eras (34). A lot of interesting material about folk culture is contained in the talented works of A.M. Panchenko (35). However, a comprehensive study of folk art as a reflection of the spiritual life of the Russian people for a long historical time in the regional aspect has not been carried out.

Folklore of a later time, and especially Soviet folklore, for well-known ideological reasons, generally dropped out of sight, both of historians and folklorists. So in works on the history of Soviet culture, the problems of folklore in the USSR were replaced by a story about amateur performances, which was identified with folk art (Zb). As you know, in the XX century in our country the phenomenon of folklorism was finally formed, which fits into the requirements of the official ideology, as stated in the dissertation. To a large extent, the amateur performance of the Soviet period, which originated from amateurism in the popular environment of the 19th century, was placed under the control of the state, which was controlled and regulated. For well-known reasons, this problem was not raised in the studies of Soviet historians.

It should be noted that in Soviet historiography there were works devoted to questions of folk culture as an element of spiritual existence in different periods of Russian history. However, these studies dealt with individual historical periods and did not reflect the entire palette of the inner world of the people (37). In some cases, these studies had an ethnographic bias (38).

The historical study of folklore as an element of Russian spiritual culture was seriously influenced by the state of national folklore studies in the 1920s - 40s of the XX century. On the one hand, for her, as well as for Soviet humanities as a whole, dogmatism was characteristic of that period, when the study of the history and theory of folklore was certainly linked with the works of V. I. Lenin, K. Marx, F. Engels. In folklore, first of all, the class instinct of the masses, the mood of protest against the oppressors, was sought out. One of the prominent researchers of folklore Yu.M. Sokolov considered the main tendency of its development in the 40s as a line of “gradual mastering of the principles and methods of Marxism-Leninism.” (39). In this regard, pre-revolutionary scientists - F.I.Buslaev, A.N. Veselovsky, as well as researchers, whose work was an alternative to the vulgar sociological approach.

On the other hand, in those years preparatory work was carried out to generalize the history of Russian folklore and the history of folklore. These efforts were realized in a number of works published in the 50s (40). The Soviet period was also marked by a great collecting and publishing activity of folklorists (41). Along with this, pre-revolutionary collections of Russian folklore were republished - collections of A.N. Afanasyev, V.I. Dahl and others. The painstaking work on the collection of local folklore was carried out by researchers of the southern regions of Russia, which will be discussed below. All this folklore wealth, scientifically processed and systematized, is a valuable source base for historians who turn to the methods of historical anthropology, new cultural history, microhistory.

A significant contribution to the development of the history of folklore was made by Soviet linguistic scientists who worked at different times (42). In their works, we find valuable remarks about the nature of folklore, which, in turn, allows us to reconstruct the spiritual life of the people through a “linguistic turn” on the basis of a complex of historical sources, among which is folklore.

For example, in our opinion, Yu.M. Sokolov rightly noted that folklore cannot be reduced only to the concept of verbal poetry, since it does not cover the entire range of phenomena. It is impossible to distinguish between the facts of verbal creativity and other ways of artistic expression (gesture, facial expressions, dance, chant, etc.). The share of a cultural historian seems significant, as does the thesis that folk art is inextricably linked with a variety of manifestations of mental activity (43).

In the works of a later researcher V.E. Gusev, we find important for historical analysis considerations on the boundaries of the concept of "folklore" and the objective features of this cultural phenomenon (44). For us, it seems essential to him to divide the entire complex of practical and spiritual activities in the field of culture into two groups: aesthetically designed objects made of natural materials and products of spiritual production.

However, the most interesting for the historical study of the spiritual development of Russian society are the works of V. Ya. Propp and his followers. This interest is due to a number of circumstances. First of all, it is connected with the fact that, despite the accusations of “opposing the methods of Marxism-Leninism,” V.Ya. Propp managed to preserve his own vision of folklore, including as a historical phenomenon. He laid the foundations for a structural-typological analysis of monuments of folk art, which is extremely important for modern cultural history. In the 70s - 80s of the XX century, structural and semiotic folklore studies took shape, which allows the historian to understand the folklore source as the text of a certain sign system, as well as the historical and typological method, when folklore works are considered in the context of history and ethnography (45).

The book of the historian V.Ya. Propp and his associates are attractive also due to the fact that their understanding of the historicity of folklore came into conflict with the opinion of the venerable Soviet historians of medieval Russia. In particular, in order to understand the spiritual history of the Russian people through the prism of folklore, it is important to discuss V.Ya. Propp with academician B.A. Rybakov (46). The historian Rybakov, who devoted many years to the history of Russian culture, considered the epic epic "the most valuable source of native history." At the same time, he put a sign of identity between the chronicle and the epic and, thus, presented the information of the epics as concrete historical facts (47). In support of his theory, Rybakov carried out a factual comparison of the data of the chronicles and the epic, often resorting to stretching. Analyzing Rybakov's methodology, Propp reproaches the historian for the fact that, as a follower of the historical school, he is looking in folklore for a reflection of specific historical events and historical figures, current political history. Propp recognizes that the epic arises on a historical basis, but its historicity consists in establishing the era when the idea of \u200b\u200bthe epic was born, how it developed in other eras, was forgotten and revived again. The popular idea reflected not specific historical events, but age-old ideals. Thus, according to Propp, the epics reflect not a “one-act act of creation”, but a “long process” that reflects the historical will of the people.

It should be noted that this discussion was continued already within the historical community in the 80s. Opponents of B.A. Rybakov, this time I. Ya. Froyanov and Yu.I. Yudin (48). They object to the academician, who saw epic historicism in the reflection of ready-made historical facts, and consider the position of V.Ya. Proppa. Examining the Novgorod life, the drama of a medieval Russian family, Leningrad historians argue that historical phenomena and processes are reflected in folklore, and not specific events.

The historical context of folklore is also presented in the works of D.S. Likhachev. He introduces the concept of epic time of epics, as a designation of the conditional past, speaks about the main characteristics of folklore, among which is anonymity as a poetic feature of a folklore work, one-line character in the development of its action (49). These observations of the outstanding scientist help the historian to understand the state of spiritual life in the context of the folklore of the era under study.

In the first half of the 20th century, Russian scientists have repeatedly turned to questions about the general nature of culture. Their views make it possible to more accurately determine the methodological and theoretical principles of covering the history of the spiritual life of the people of the chosen region. First of all, it is necessary to turn to the legacy of M.M. Bakhtin, who offered the experience of phenomenological analysis of the personal and historical in culture (50). The subject of culture, according to M.M. Bakhtin, there is the only active formative energy, given not in a psychologically concentrated consciousness, but in a stably significant cultural product, and its active reaction is due to the structure of the image, the rhythm of detection, the choice of semantic moments. In creativity, the subject appears as a whole through the form of relationship to the event, through the form of its experience. The philosophy of culture was viewed by the followers of the phenomenological school as the basis on which the humanistic values \u200b\u200band principles of historicism are able to organically fit into the new worldview paradigm.

The new approach to the problem of the evolution of culture, which was formulated by P. Sorokin, boiled down to the fact that culture, like a living organism, arises, develops and dies. This philosophical concept allows you to look at world culture as a system consisting of a number of cultures, each of which develops at its own pace. The scientist distinguished systems of sociocultural phenomena of different levels. The highest of them forms systems, the scope of which extends to many societies (supersystems) ^ 1). These sociological constructions help the author of this dissertation to understand the social aspects of cultural development in the historical process.

A different understanding of the phenomenon of culture is based on the pulsating nature of the cultural process, where each era, being unique and peculiar, is included in the general course of evolution. This idea seems to be especially fruitful for the study of the history of the spiritual life of the people in general and for understanding the historical changes in the everyday layer of the folk culture of a particular local community in particular. No less important in the historical context is the view of the unevenness of the cultural process, in which rhythmic fluctuations are observed. At the same time, the stages of cultural dynamics are considered not as successively replacing each other, but as simultaneously existing in culture. At one time or another of its state, one of the potential opportunities is realized, the rest are in a latent form (52). The pluralistic image of culture is reduced to the denial of the completeness of the evolutionary process. Its course covers all cultural phenomena in all periods of history in limited areas of space. In this flow, each element acts on others, and those, in turn, act on it. The resulting combinations and syntheses of cultural elements represent a complex configuration. If there is a conflict with other parts of the culture, then the pattern can be rejected and removed from the general flow, as having no high cultural value. "If this does not happen, and other patterns of culture will contribute to its growth., Then this sample usually develops cumulatively in the direction in which it initially began to differentiate due to inertia" (53). These ideas allow us to consider one of the elements of spiritual culture - folklore - as an element of the system, experiencing the influence of the rest of the components of this system in the historical space.

In modern conditions, historians are increasingly turning to understanding not so much the processes as the subjects of these processes. Such an “understanding” history pays great attention to the actions, intentions, and semantic images of people who lived in a particular era. It is folklore that contains the mystery of human ideals and actions in relation to these ideals. Successful decoding of folklore texts in this context requires knowledge of both the achievements of social psychology and the psychology of culture and art. That is why we turned to the work of L.S. Vygotsky (54). The scientist clearly saw that the development of the human community is closely related to the restructuring of thinking and activity, therefore one of the fundamental issues in the study of the dynamics of cultural processes is the relationship between the biological and the social. Comparing mental functions, Vygotsky came to the conclusion that thinking owes its formation and development to cultural factors. The sociocultural environment forms and adds up all the higher forms of behavior, everything that in the development of a personality is built over elementary functions. The typology of cognitive ability and verbal thinking he developed serves as a key to the study of historical change and intercultural differences in thinking. In the course of mutations and selection, cognitive structures adapt to the realities of life. The evolution of the body follows typological shifts in the forms of culture. The “scissors” between the rate of cultural evolution and the rate of biological evolution indicate the formation of cognitive abilities in a culture-shaped lifestyle. The harmony of the biological, social and cultural nature of a person develops at the point of their joint development (55).

Research of the semiotic school is fruitful for the analysis of problems. Semiotic methods in analyzing the texts of folklore works, both verbal and otherwise, allow one to penetrate deeper into the thickness of folk culture, hear the folk voices of different eras, better understand their world picture, stereotypes of behavior, horizons of expectations. These views are reflected in the works of F. de Saussure, R. Barthes, K. Levi-Strauss and others (56). For example, Levi-Strauss, studying social and cultural structures, presented rituals, totems, myths as sign systems and revealed a plurality of cultural forms. The idea of \u200b\u200ba "new humanism" put forward by scientists, which does not know class and racial restrictions, created the conditions for the transition from the symbolic theory of myth to the structural one.

A special place in determining the methodology of the proposed research is occupied by the works of the head of the Tartu school of semiotics Yu.M. Lotman (57). For us, both its general provisions on the semiotics of culture and theoretical ideas about the development of culture in its various types are valuable, as well as individual ideas that directly relate to the methodology of specific issues of the proposed historical research. In particular, in the context of the cultural borderland of the Kuban population, his reflections on the border in the space of the semiosphere are of great interest (58). In addition, his works such as Oral Speech and Historical and Cultural Perspective, On the Function of Oral Speech in the Cultural Life of the Pushkin Era (59) help to choose a more accurate toolkit for analyzing folklore as a form of oral speech.

The author of the thesis studied a large layer of works of foreign humanities of the XX century, which investigate the phenomenon of culture (BO). This literature made it possible to clarify some methodological approaches to the history of the spiritual life of the Slavic population of the Kuban from the point of view of its folklore. Thus, in the works of L. White, attention is drawn to his concept of the evolution of culture and the ethnological and linguistic analysis of the culture of one of the Indian peoples (61). When identifying the place of culture in the historical process, the author of the dissertation also turned to the works of the American anthropologist A.L. Kroeber (62).

In the 70-90s of the XX century, the philosophical aspects of the theory and history of culture were actively and fruitfully studied by domestic scientists. With all the variety of concepts, philosophers are united in one thing: culture is a complex system that is a subsystem of being. The formulated priority directions in the study of the history of culture serve as a guideline in modern scientific research (63).

Contemporary Russian historiography is represented by a considerable number of works on the history of Russian culture (64). In addition to scientific interest and new methodological opportunities, this is due to the introduction of the discipline "Culturology" into the curricula of Russian universities. It is also worth highlighting the works of E. Yu. Zubkova (65), in which the author widely uses Soviet folklore as a source to analyze the spiritual atmosphere of those years.

However, among this diversity of historical and culturological studies, there is not a single one where the evolution of spiritual culture over several eras was considered on the example of the dynamics of folklore.

A significant section of the historiography of dissertation research is local literature. The history of collecting ethnographic material in the Kuban about the life, worldview and artistic work of the Cossacks began in the first decades of the 19th century. The administration of the Kuban Cossack army, the local intelligentsia, and the clergy were involved in the work, which was led by the Caucasian Department of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society. The first historical and ethnographic description of social and family relations, upbringing, household items was made by I.D. Popko in the book "Black Sea Cossacks in Civil and Military Life" (66).

A large group is made up of historical and ethnographic materials dating back to the 70s of the XIX - early XX centuries, in which almost all genres and types of folk art of the Kuban are presented. A variety of themes, artistic images, poetic techniques, a bright colorful language characterize this layer of folk art culture. On the basis of a comprehensive program of statistical and ethnographic description of the populated areas of the Kuban region, a richest collection of information on the cultural history of the region was collected (67).

The first attempts at an analytical approach to songwriting are found in the publication by E. Peredelsky, published in 1883 (68). Striving for the most accurate description of the song heritage, the author described the local manner of performance and folk instruments, developed a classification of everyday and ritual songs. The collector managed to record more than a hundred verbal and musical texts, many of which are unique.

The historiography of the spiritual life of the Kuban people includes "placers" of F.A. Shcherbins in a two-volume essay "History of the Kuban Cossack Host", containing extensive information about the customs and interethnic interaction of the Kuban people (69). In general, the pre-October historiography created a positive image of the Cossack, in which traits of passionarity, piety, loyalty to the Fatherland and the throne are seen.

If before the revolution and in the 1920s, individual enthusiasts from among amateurs, scientists and representatives of creative professions were engaged in the collection and systematization of folk art, then in the 30-50s the collection and generalization of the monuments of the traditional culture of the Kuban became centralized and managed (70) ... The result of ethnographic collecting work was the creation of complex works. For example, following the results of an ethnographic expedition undertaken by employees of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences and Moscow State University in 1952-1954, a collective monograph “Kuban Cossacks. Ethnic and cultural processes in the Kuban "(71). The study revealed a pronounced dynamics of the traditional culture of the Slavs of the Kuban: the share of authentic cultural forms decreased, they were replaced by organized leisure.

In the 60s and 70s, a revival of local history began in the country. There were historical studies about the Kuban. At the same time, gathering and research activities in the region became noticeably more active. The richest traditions of choral performance are discussed in the monograph by S.I. Eremenko "Choral Art of the Kuban" (72). The chronological range of the study spans nearly two centuries and contains valuable information about the peculiarities of home ensemble singing, regimental song traditions, concert and performing activities of the Army Singing Choir and the choral movement of amateurs.

A significant contribution to the development of historical and musicological problems of the folk song art of the Kuban was made by I.A. Petrusenko, A.A. Slepov, V.G. Komissinsky, I.N. Boyko (73). The research of folk and stage choreography is the subject of the works of L.G. Nagaytseva especially those sections in which the transition of authentic dance into forms of stage choreography is recorded ^).

Since the late 1980s, and especially since the official rehabilitation of the Cossacks, the attention of historians, ethnographers, philologists, folklorists, art critics to the history and modern state of the traditional culture of the Kuban has increased.

Trends in the development and renewal of folklore are being successfully studied by the staff of the Center for Folk Culture at the Kuban Academic Cossack Choir. The research strategy is based on the methodological principle of the unity of all stages of the process (collection - archival processing - study - publishing). Along with the Kuban theme, problems of the ethnic and cultural history of the Don, Terek, Ural, Siberian and Far Eastern Cossacks are being developed (75).

Comprehensive coverage of the problems of authentic culture is presented at regional and international conferences. In recent years, a number of candidate and doctoral dissertations of a general theoretical and applied nature have been defended, monographs have been published on the customs and traditions of the Kuban and the ethnic history of the Cossacks (76).

At the same time, the issues of interaction of traditional culture with stage, secondary forms have not been sufficiently studied yet. As a rule, scientists are limited by standard time frames: the end of the XVIII - the beginning of the XX century. However, the history of the folk culture of the Kuban did not end with the revolution and civil war. In the 20th century, the historical and cultural process experienced a powerful influence of ideological, economic and integration factors. Secondary forms of folk art developed at a rapid pace, and many genres of authentic folklore were transformed. Comprehension of the dynamics and interaction of these two layers of culture makes it possible to identify their content aspects, the course of cultural evolution, the stability and adaptability of cultural forms to new realities.

The specificity of the dissertation's work is that the two ranges of analysis - the history of folk culture and folklorism as a secondary form of artistic production are not divorced, but are considered in aggregate and mutual influence. Turning to traditional culture as an integral part of the spiritual world from the standpoint of history is an objective social need. It is caused by the ever-increasing disintegration of the spiritual and cultural climate of Russian society under the onslaught of Americanized globalism, ousting traditional indigenous values, aggressively imposing a style of behavior and thinking that is unusual for Russians. All this requires the improvement of modern cultural policy, the effectiveness of which directly depends on the use of scientifically based ideas. In addition, the study of folk culture as a basic element of the spiritual life of the Slavic population of the Kuban over the past two centuries is still at the stage of its formation. This phenomenon is practically poorly studied, and there is clearly not enough special work.

To exclude ambiguity in the interpretation of the basic concepts that we will operate in the dissertation, we will express our position on this matter. The key ones are, first of all, “spiritual culture” and “spiritual life”. The first concept, and this should be emphasized, includes the connection between spiritual and material production, their mutual influence and interpenetration; the process of creation, transmission, consumption and functioning of spiritual values. Based on this, spiritual culture can be defined as a historically conditioned set of material and spiritual values \u200b\u200bcreated and created by mankind in the course of its life.

The main elements of spiritual culture include:

The system of philosophical, political, economic, aesthetic moral, pedagogical, religious views of people;

Education as a spiritual influence;

Enlightenment and education as a way to spread knowledge;

Artistic culture (literature, professional art and folklore);

Language and speech as a means of communication between people;

Thinking;

Code of Conduct;

Lifestyle and everyday life.

Spiritual life manifests itself in the following basic forms:

In cognitive activity aimed at understanding nature and human society;

Value orientation (choice, preference, assessment);

In practical activities;

In the communication of people in everyday life, in the process of production and leisure.

The spiritual life of a true Christian is based on love, justice, mercy, and faith. The Orthodox faith is the basis of the spiritual culture of all East Slavic peoples - Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, a historical form of spirituality, in which the highest artistic, ethical and aesthetic values \u200b\u200bare accumulated. Combining elements of pagan and Christian culture, folk culture to this day ensures the spiritual continuity of successive generations in all spheres of their lives. Spiritual life requires inner efforts and labor from a person.

The basic categories include the concept of "ritual", in which we see a certain stereotype, a form of human behavior that has a sacred and mythological meaning. Behavioral ritual is characteristic of animals, but for animals it is an instinctively given motor skills, while the ritual performed by a person is filled with ideas, images and fantasies. The evolutionary meaning of ritual behavior is determined by repeated actions, rhythm and accentuation of movements. For ritual behavior, symbolism and communication are required.

A simpler type of cultural regulation can be considered customs, which are formed on the basis of holistic and habitual patterns of behavior performed on a set occasion at a certain time and in a certain place. The concept of custom includes behavior that all members of the community adhere to under all circumstances. Violation of a custom can lead to sanctions ranging from disapproval to various forms of punishment. A custom fulfills the function of a mandatory pattern of behavior and can be both positive and negative.

The customs performed in a certain place and at the right time for one reason or another are usually denoted by the concept of "rites". Rituals are more formalized than customs and are associated with the performance of certain magical actions.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the traditions and dynamics of the folk culture of the Slavic population of the Kuban as a basic element of spiritual everyday life, and secondary forms of cultural practice that are in interaction and mutual influence. This approach involves the study of value-normative ideas, representations, methods of symbolic and substantive-material embodiment that took place in different periods of the cultural history of the region. These essential components of spiritual culture allowed the ethno-cultural community to recognize itself as an integral organism and maintain its identity for a long time. For science, technologies of practical handling of values, symbols, meanings, forms of their maintenance, renewal and transmission from generation to generation are also important. In this context, bearers of spiritual traditions acquire their methodological status. The organic connection between the value-normative system, forms of functioning and social transmission within the framework of a specific ethnocultural organization makes it possible to see the transformation of spiritual culture as a constantly flowing and unfinished process, accompanied by a change in cultural paradigms and the technology of their implementation.

Research objectives: 1. To reveal the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the organization of the spiritual life of the Slavic population of the Kuban.

2. Describe the multifunctional nature of traditional culture and the mechanisms for the transfer of cultural experience.

3. Determine the historical boundaries of the existence of Kuban folklore and folklorism, analyze the reasons for the transformation of regional traditions of folk culture in connection with the evolution of society.

4. Study cultural forms, social base and trends in their preservation and improvement.

5. To comprehend the qualitative changes that have taken place in the spiritual culture of the Slavic population of the Kuban over the past two centuries.

6. Formulate ways to preserve the cultural specificity of the region in the context of integration and globalization.

Source base of the study. In the course of the work, a huge number of documents were found, which were selected and classified by us according to the degree of adequacy, reliability, reliability and accuracy of information. They included:

1. Materials of general office work: circular decrees, reports, memos, reports, petitions, instructions, reports of clergy and local authorities. We used documents extracted from the funds of the Russian State Historical Archives (RGIA), the State Archives of the Krasnodar Territory (GAKK), the State Archives of the Stavropol Territory (GASK) (77). These include materials on the establishment of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Kuban: legislative and administrative acts of the Holy Synod and the diocesan authorities on the main stages and features of church administration in the region. Of particular interest to researchers are the reports of clergymen on the state of religious and moral education of the civilian population and in the army, on the number of Orthodox Christians and schismatics among the civilian population, on the protection of ancient monuments, and statistical information on the diocese. A wide layer of the history of spiritual culture is presented in acts and materials on the establishment, construction and management of monasteries, the participation of pastors in enlightenment, missionary activity, social care and the health of parishioners.

2. Documents from the archives of the Krasnodar State Historical and Archaeological Museum-Reserve named after E. D. Felitsin (AKGIAM): diaries of ethnographic expeditions, inventories, catalogs, reports on the history of the material and spiritual culture of the Slavic population of the Kuban (78).

3. Archival documents of local cultural bodies of the Soviet period: copies of circulars, information on the work of folklore groups, methodological developments (79).

4. Folklore texts contained in handwritten and published collections of folklore collectors (80).

5. Historical and ethnographic materials collected in the Krasnodar Territory by employees of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (30s), Institute of Ethnography. N. Miklukho-Maclay (50-60s), Moscow and local workers of literature and arts (81).

6. To obtain an exhaustive description and recreate an objective picture of the past and present state of folk culture, we turned to living people - bearers of folklore traditions. Field material was recorded by a dissertation candidate in various territorial zones of the Krasnodar Territory (82).

7. Personal documents: diaries and memoirs, reproducing events and facts of the history and culture of the region (83).

8. Periodicals with correspondence on the cultural heritage of the Kuban. First of all, it should be noted, publications in "Kuban regional vedomosti" and "Kuban Cossack Bulletin" for the period from 1868 to 1917, central and local publications and abroad.

9. Phonetic sources (tape and video recordings), iconographic materials (drawings, reproductions, photographs).

The scientific novelty of the research is as follows:

1. For the first time on the basis of an interdisciplinary integrated approach, a special study of folk culture and its secondary forms as part of the spiritual life of the Kuban Slavs has been undertaken.

2. The chronological framework of the study has been expanded (late 18th - 20th centuries), due to the specificity of the formation of the cultural space on the territory of the Kuban. The author's concept of the stage-by-stage transformation of folk culture allows for a new interpretation of the history of the origin and development of authentic and secondary forms of spiritual production.

3. The reasons for the dynamic shifts in folk culture, typical for certain periods of the region's cultural past, have been determined. It has been proved that changes in the structure of traditional folklore and its interaction with folklorism are associated with the influence of the external environment and processes occurring within the system.

4. The dissertation for the first time formulated a systemic idea of \u200b\u200bthe originality of the Slavic branch of regional folklore as a basic component of the spiritual life of the Cossacks. The use of scientific data obtained by the author made it possible to critically rethink a number of fundamental issues related to the worldview context of folk culture, the classification of genres and types of folklore of the Kuban Slavs, which does not exist in such a full volume.

5. Theoretical foundations have been developed for qualifying the traditional culture of the Kuban as a subculture of the East Slavic peoples - Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians.

6. The main stages of the formation, formation and development of folk art over the past two centuries have been reconstructed.

7. Shows the mechanisms of transfer of cultural experience, social base and trends in the preservation and improvement of cultural forms in certain historical periods.

8. Numerous archival data, folklore sources and field materials of the author were studied and introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. With their help, the facts of the cultural history of the region, especially of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, were clarified and interpreted.

This is the first generalizing work that has no analogues in Russian history.

The author sees the practical significance of the dissertation in the possibility of using the ideas and conclusions obtained during the study, when modeling the strategy for the development of the culture of the region, in improving the activities of centers of national cultures, departments and scientific and methodological centers of culture and art.

The materials of the dissertation are the basis of the basic training course "Folk Artistic Culture" and special courses "Folklore of the Slavs of the Kuban",

Modern festive and ceremonial culture of the region "," Folklore theater ". These subjects are included in the federal and regional components of the curricula of the faculties of traditional culture and socio-cultural activities of the Krasnodar State University of Culture and Arts and are used in the training of leisure managers and creative specialists - leaders of amateur choirs, ensembles of folk instruments, and folk arts and crafts studios. New archival documents, first introduced into circulation, and the author's field material will help scientists, graduate students, students, local historians, ethnographers, museum workers to better understand the specifics of the historical and cultural past of the region.

The main provisions for defense: 1. The spiritual life of the Kuban Slavs in its origins was determined by Orthodox beliefs and traditions of folk culture, in particular, by authentic ritual and extra-ritual folklore.

2. The specificity of the Kuban Slavic folklore, the basis of which was the cultural traditions of the Cossacks, was formed under the influence of the military-territorial structure, class affiliation, historical experience, geographical and natural conditions. Authentic folklore, reflecting the deep processes in the individual and collective consciousness, ensured the integration of the subjects of cultural life, created the preconditions for the perception of the past, present and future, and acted as a means of universalizing ideas.

3. With the formation and historical existence of local communities within the territorial, intercultural and polyethnic space, qualitative changes took place in authentic folklore. This process was of a phased nature.

The beginning of cultural genesis was determined by the needs of the population in preserving and maintaining the traditions of the metropolises. In the type of personality of the Cossack, the inherited religious and cultural forms of ancestors-warriors and farmers were organically combined. The energy of preserving the cultural heritage was concentrated in traditional beliefs, customs and ceremonies, musical, choreographic, verbal, game genres, in folk arts and crafts. The completion of the first stage coincided with the end of hostilities in Trans-Kuban region and meant the onset of the limit in the qualitative restructuring of the nature of authentic folklore.

4. The second half of the 19th century was a time of active dynamic development of the subculture, constantly in need of innovation. The dominating feature of the Kuban Slavs was liminality - the need and ability to go beyond the limits of cultural traditions. The traditional folklore formed within the boundaries of the Cossack class actively absorbed the spiritual values \u200b\u200bof other ethnic and social groups. The decisive role in this process was played by new "countercultures" - youth, women, Cossack foremen, and the intelligentsia. This stage was marked by the expansion of the genre-specific composition due to the parameter "area" and "quality". Embracing various forms of cultural creativity, folklore was a self-organizing and developing system in the historical process, each element of which took its definite place and was in interaction with other elements. A stimulating role in this was played by primary education, books and newspapers, the breaking of class barriers, the introduction of new methods of management, changes in the structure and content of national leisure and everyday life. In the depths of authentic folklore, stage forms of folk art first formed and then emerged from it. The basis of folklorism was school institutions, holiday fairs, public and officer meetings, clubs. Folk theater, choral and instrumental performance have turned into mass forms of leisure. The replication of handicrafts, the expansion of urban fashion and the culture of neighboring ethnic groups hastened the process of transformation of folk traditions. New genres and forms of creativity have appeared: songs of literary origin, everyday dances with elements of secular and mountain dances, theatrical mass performances. At the same time, the genres of historical and round dance songs, calendar and family folklore began to fade away.

5. The third stage in the development of regional folklore began with the establishment of the power of the Bolsheviks in Russia. Already in the first decades, the artistic creativity of the masses was purposefully given an organized character. The performing arts were viewed by the ideologists of socialism as an effective way to control the mass consciousness. The development of amateurism and professional forms of art focused on folklore hindered the intervention of government agencies and the approval of uniform criteria for assessing the activities of amateurs and professionals.

6. At the fourth stage (60-80s), the evolutionary possibilities of the festive-ritual culture were exhausted, the sphere of existence of non-ritual folklore was reduced. The transformation was accompanied by further destruction of the semantic core, weakening of the functions of recreation, reproduction and translation of authentic folklore.

At the same time, the modernization of the rural and urban socio-cultural environment, the shift in the transmission mechanism of folklore traditions towards indirect contacts (printed matter, radio, television) have intensified the search for and introduction into everyday life of the lost forms of folk art. Original handicraft products, collecting, stage forms of creative embodiment, which allowed to show individuality, were in demand.

7. The last, fifth stage in the dynamics of the system came in the 90s of the XX century. Catalysts on the border of interaction between traditional folklore and

RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY The external environment was caused by the processes of globalization, urbanization, the influx of migrants and, as a result, the violation of the ethnic balance in the territory of the region.

8. The system of authentic folklore strives for maximum sustainability. The ability to self-restructure is possible on condition of non-interference in the mechanisms of its functioning, as well as providing the bearers of folklore traditions with complete creative freedom.

Approbation of work. The main provisions of the dissertation were discussed at regional and university conferences, published in central and local publications, as well as outside Russia - in Ukraine and the USA. The results of the research are reflected in the monographs "Folklore of the Kuban Slavs: a historical and cultural analysis", "Folk culture of the Kuban Slavs (late 18th - early 20th centuries)," The history of the formation and development of the spiritual culture of the East Slavic population of the Kuban. Scientific and methodological materials are presented in the book "Scenic forms of Kuban folklore", tested in the work of amateur and professional groups of the region.

Structure and scope of work. The dissertation consists of an introduction, four chapters, 14 paragraphs and a conclusion, provided with notes, a list of references and sources of 505 titles and an appendix.

The relevance of the research problem is determined by global changes in all spheres of human life, including spiritual. In the context of the renewal and democratization of society, the study of the basic laws and features of the formation of art in the socio-cultural space of a particular region acquires great scientific, theoretical and practical importance.

In modern conditions, interest in the phenomenon of culture has grown significantly, due to the search for value-based humanitarian content and the meaning of life. Modern science has established that a person at the end of the 20th century obeys the laws of cultural communication. Comprehension and reconstruction of the past helps a person to find support in those cultural values \u200b\u200bthat underlie the future development and improvement of culture.

We understand culture as an aggregate method and product of human activity, which is realized in the processes of objectification and de-objectification, and appears in a form that connects these objects, and fine art as a special type of human development of the world, a figurative model of the universe and self-awareness of culture.

The study of art in the context of culture is carried out by us from the standpoint of the influence of the type of culture on the general development of art. The general theoretical concept of the typological development of culture in relation to the Kuban culture and art makes it possible to single out the characteristic predominance of canonical culture at the end of the 18th to the middle of the 19th century, and dynamic in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Hence, in each of these periods, a certain type of artistic activity prevailed: at the beginning, folk art, and then professional.

XIX - EARLY XX CENTURY

The traditional folk culture of the Kuban of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries was distinguished by diversity and wealth. Its originality was manifested in the arrangement of settlements and dwellings, family and social life, songs and legends, calendar holidays and rituals, and in many other things.

Spiritual heritage of the Kuban Cossacks
was distinctive and original. It combined the South Russian and Ukrainian traditions. Describing the Kuban Cossacks, pre-revolutionary sources reported: "They are distinguished by diligence, honesty, sociability, but their best trait is hospitality in accepting the strange"; "The character is predominantly quiet and kind, they are more prone to courage in hostilities and horse riding".

All notable events in the spiritual life of the Kuban Cossacks were in one way or another connected with the Orthodox faith. Parting prayer of Kuban was escorted to the service and thanksgiving met. Returning from the service, the Cossacks formed and necessarily bought a gift for the church. Yekaterinodar temples were full of such gifts. Orthodoxy divided the calendar time into labor and festive-ritual, thereby determining the rhythm of life. “They know [the Cossacks] about the origin of religion from Jesus Christ,” said one of the old documents. - Some people know about the Ecumenical Councils. Many people understand and know the meaning of Vespers, Matins and Liturgy. Not only the elderly, but also youngsters read prayers beautifully and with attention, as, for example: Heavenly King, Our Father, I believe and have mercy on me, God, and others. "

The old people were the keepers of customs. Without holding any official positions, they have always played a huge role in shaping public opinion. Even the ataman did not sit without the permission of the old men, with them the Cossacks of the combatant age stood at attention, of the non-combatant age and without the uniform — taking off their hats. The elders were addressed only “to you”. Thanks to the oral tradition of transferring information from grandfather to father, from father to son, the Kuban people preserved their culture. The Cossacks did the same when they wanted to preserve the memory of some significant event in their history. At the military festivities, gatherings and other important events that took place in Yekaterinodar, they certainly invited smart boys from all the Cossack settlements of the region, two or three people from each, so that these events were captured in their children's minds. Over time, these boys became fathers and passed on everything they saw to their children. They subsequently conveyed what they heard to their children. This is how this living chain of Cossack history and culture was forged.

Amateur drama theaters were also of great importance. In February 1876, "Kubanskie Oblastnye Vedomosti" reported about the performances that took place at the headquarters of the Yekaterinodar Regiment in st. Khadyzhenskaya: “Instead of Levitsky’s“ Tactics ”and Skurorevsky’s“ War Game ”, which until now focused on themselves the attention and interest of the regiment officers' society, an equally interesting game appeared, but not on tactical plans, but on the stage - Messrs. Kotlyarov, Lagunov, Mrs. Kopaleva and other amateurs; in a word, we had amateur performances ... Little Russian performances were especially successful. The lower ranks of the Black Sea, of which the regiment mainly consists, these plays, as more understandable, brought great pleasure. "Ottak our brother, all the women are blowing up ..." - heard from the back rows during the performance ... Further, they say, the performances will benefit the Bosniaks and Herzegovinians; a blessing for which one cannot but express gratitude to the persons who took part in our performances. "

Since 1894 “cinematographs” have been opened in Yekaterinodar, Yeisk, Armavir.

The musical culture of the Kuban was an integral artistic phenomenon. In the second half of the XIX - early XX century. there was a process of decreasing the role and significance of folk music in the life of the Kuban people (especially urban residents) and expanding the influence of professional music. But more and more articles appeared in the press, calling for the protection of songs that embody the national spirit, identity and historical memory of the Cossacks. In the 1870s, L.I. Karmalina, wife of the head of the Kuban region, a famous chamber singer, student of M.I. Glinka and A.S. Dargomyzhsky. In December 1873, at the request of M.P. Mussorgsky sent him from Yekaterinodar several songs recorded from the Old Believers Cossacks. The publication of folk songs was carried out by Akim Dmitrievich Bigday, a magistrate and amateur musician. The work that Bigday undertook went beyond a purely cultural framework and acquired social significance: in the context of a rapid increase in the number of nonresident population in the Kuban region, an acute desire of the Cossacks to protect and preserve their identity, including with the help of an original song culture, manifested itself. Fourteen issues of "Songs of the Kuban Cossacks" by A.D. Bigdaya drew a lively response from the public and the press.

For more than a century, the Military Singing Choir was the center of the spread of church singing art. The greatest contribution to the development of the choir was made by the choir directors M.I. Lebedev, F.M. Dunin, M.S. Gorodetsky, G.M. Kontsevich, Ya.M. Tara-nenko. In terms of size, composition, exemplary organization, rare selection of voices and highly developed singing technique, the choir was considered the first in the Caucasus; neither the bishop's choir nor city singing associations could compete with it. Having first entered the Military Cathedral in 1860 as a ten-year-old boy, F.A. Shcherbina later described his impressions of what he had heard: “I was particularly struck by three songs - the cherubic triple“ Lord, have mercy ”and the concert ... when the choir sang harmoniously and smoothly“ Like cherubs ”and the transitions and alternations of voices began, when the clear voices of treble and the altos ... the voices of the tenors rushed or suddenly there was a powerful singing of the basses "Yako we will raise everyone to the Tsar." I unconsciously smiled, as people sometimes smile from unexpected, but pleasant impressions ... the chords of sounds for at least half an hour seemed to fill the entire cathedral, then thundering and sparkling like thunder, then falling down with a shower purifying the soul ”. The singers in the military choir were Cossacks from different villages of the Kuban region. The knowledge and experience gained over the years of service in the choir gave them the opportunity, upon returning home, to earn a living as a choir director or a singing teacher at school.

At the turn of the XIX - XX centuries. popular are "spiritual concerts" from the works of contemporary Russian composers to church texts. The military choir introduced the Kuban people to the works of P.I. Tchaikovsky, A.D. Kastalsky, A.A. Arkhangelsky, A.T. Grechaninov and other authors. Such concerts formed the audience's interest in the new style of Russian sacred music, inspired the creation of choirs in the villages and towns of the region. The cathedral choir satisfied the aesthetic needs of the population, contributed to the understanding of music, and also served as a musical and educational center that trained hundreds of choir directors and singing teachers.

After the formation of the Kuban Cossack army in 1860, the “musician cavalry choir”, the former orchestra of the Caucasian Linear Cossack army, was transferred from Stavropol to Yekaterinodar. It consisted exclusively of performers on brass instruments and performed the functions of a purely military orchestra with an appropriate repertoire. The military musician choir of the former Black Sea Army has become practically a ballroom orchestra, performing mainly secular music by Russian and Western composers. The presence of two orchestras in the army significantly expanded the forms of their participation in the musical and generally cultural life of villages and cities. In 1888, following the example of other Cossack troops, only one orchestra remained in the Kuban - a musician choir of 36 musicians and 18 students. By this time, military and brass bands began to be created in the regiments and battalions of the Kuban Cossack army, so the military musician choir retained a concert and ball character. By the end of the XIX century. with the increase in the string group of the orchestra, it was transformed into a symphonic one.

In the second half of the 19th century, the foundations of musical professionalism in the Kuban were laid by private home lessons, music lessons in educational institutions and music circles. At this time, amateurism and professionalism existed in a relationship, and the differences between them were often conditional. On November 1, 1906, classes began in the music classes of the Yekaterinodar branch of the Imperial Russian Musical Society, where graduates of the Petersburg and Moscow conservatories taught. Three years later, the music classes were transformed into a school.

Masters of fine arts made an important contribution to the development of the artistic culture of the Kuban. The original realist artist was Pyotr Sysoevich Kosolap (1834 - 1910). He graduated from the Pavlovsk cadet corps, during the Crimean War he commanded the plastuns, and in 1861 he entered the Imperial Academy of Arts, in the class of plaster figures. In 1863, at the academic exhibition, Kosolap's painting "Madness" was exhibited, which was awarded a small silver medal. The image of a poor crazy musician playing in a rotten attic by the body of an old mother, amid the horrors of poverty and hardship, literally shocked the audience. The next year, P.S. Kosolap exhibited the painting "Return from Exile". Only twenty years later, this topic was brilliantly developed by I.E. Repin in the film "They Didn't Expect". For the unfinished painting "Shamil's Last Minutes in Gunib" at the academic exhibition in 1867, the jury awards PS Clubfoot gold medal. The successes of the Kuban artist gave him the right to participate in the competition for a large gold medal, but Kosolap "for the termination of the scholarship from the army" was forced to leave for Yekaterinodar, where he continued his military service and creative activity.

A painter-landscape painter of a realistic direction and an active worker of the Association of Traveling Art Exhibitions A.A. Kiselev. Several of his paintings - "Mountain Road" (1909), "Quiet Water" (1900), "Night at Sea" (1909), "Kadosh Rocks" (1902) - are dedicated to Tuapse.

On the advice of the historian of the Zaporozhye Cossacks D.I. Yavornitsky, Ilya Efimovich Repin came to the Kuban to meet with the descendants of the Cossacks in 1888. In the village of Pashkovskaya, he made several dozen portrait sketches of the Cossacks - participants in the Crimean War. After returning from the Kuban, Repin completed his epic painting "The Cossacks Write a Letter to the Turkish Sultan."

The centers of fine arts in the Kuban region at the beginning of the XX century. became the school of drawing E.I. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Yekaterinodar Picture Gallery. The School of Pospolitaka was the first private educational institution in the Kuban, where they studied not only drawing, but also craft. Moreover, some of the pupils studied at the expense of the founder of the school. The basis of the Yekaterinodar Picture Gallery was the collection of the local art lover Fyodor Akimovich Kovalenko (1866 - 1919). He was called "the Kuban Tretyakov", he was a famous person in Russia, was in correspondence with L.N. Tolstoy, I.E. Repin, N.I. Roerich.

In 1889, the Main Directorate of the Cossack Troops informed the famous sculptor Mikhail Osipovich Mikeshin "the cherished heartfelt desire of all Kuban residents to see a monument to Empress Catherine II in their hometown of Yekaterinodar, which bears the name of its august founder." Intense work on the monument continued until Mikeshin's death, and only in 1907 was a colossal statue of the Empress installed (together with statues of a smaller size: Field Marshal G.A. Holovaty, as well as a kobzar with a guide). Mikeshin's masterpiece stood until 1920 and was dismantled in connection with the approaching anniversary of the October Revolution.

The architectural appearance of the Kuban cities changed during the post-reform period. If in 1870 - 1890 eclecticism was the main style direction, then by the beginning of the 20th century it gave way to modernity. A notable contribution to the architecture of Yekaterinodaravnes Ivan Klement'evich Malgerb. As a city architect, he supervised the construction of buildings for a male gymnasium (now the regional center for aesthetic education and humanitarian education), a diocesan school for women (medical academy), and a commercial school (academy of physical culture). The priceless creations of Malgerba were the St. Catherine's Cathedral and the project of the Holy Trinity Church.

An outstanding Kuban architect was Alexander Petrovich Kosyakin (1875 - 1919). The son of an assistant to the chieftain of the Kuban Cossack army, he neglected the brilliant military career that was opening up before him and entered the St. Petersburg Institute of Civil Engineers. After graduating from it and returning to the Kuban, Kosyakin was soon appointed to the responsible position of a military architect. One of his first significant works was the project of a three-story building of the Kuban Mariinsky Institute. It adorns the city to this day (now the Krasnodar Military Institute). In September 1906, in the village of Pashkovskaya, according to his project, the Church of the Presentation of the Most Holy Theotokos was laid. In its delicate, graceful architecture, this temple of God had no equal in the Kuban. According to the projects of A.P. Kosyakin churches were erected in the villages of Kazan and Slavyanskaya. The post office building was also a remarkable work of the architect. The creations of A.P. Kosyakin created an urban "stone landscape" and did not get lost among other buildings of Yekaterinodar.

The powerful spiritual potential that was accumulating in the Kuban was not always, unfortunately, realized due to the remoteness of the region, the underdevelopment of the educational sphere, and the sucking everyday life of provincial life.

Ekaterinodar was the cultural center of the Kuban, but one should not forget that more than half of its population came from rural areas and retained traces of the traditional peasant mentality. The mass consciousness and spiritual culture of the population of the Kuban capital were an inseparable whole.

There were several theaters in the city, one of the oldest was the Summer Theater, located on the territory of the city garden. Within its walls, it hosted many celebrities from the capital. The troupe of the Maly Theater performed on its stage the plays "Hamlet" by V. Shakespeare, "The Thunderstorm", "Mad Money", "The Last Victim" by A. Ostrovsky, etc. In 1905, the famous drama Schiller "Don Carlos"). Five years later, the famous bass F. Chaliapin sang on the stage of the theater. The name of V. Damaev, a native of the Kuban, was known not only in Russia, but also abroad. “In our tenorless time, such a tenor must be grasped with both hands,” F. Chaliapin said about Damayev. "This is a true dramatic tenor with excellent diction and undeniable talent."

In 1913, the ballerina of the imperial theaters E. Geltser performed at the Summer Theater.

On the stage of the Summer Theater, one could quite often see a military musical symphony orchestra, as well as a choir conducted by E.D. Esposito. The works of P. Tchaikovsky, D. Verdi, M. Glinka, performed by them, attracted numerous listeners. But visiting the performances was available mainly to the wealthy public.

In 1909, two new theaters appeared in Yekaterinodar. The first theatrical season was opened in the Winter Theater: the opera troupe of Mrs. Sperling staged D. Verdi's opera Aida. This was followed by staging of the operas "Faust", "The Queen of Spades", "Dubrovsky", "A Life for the Tsar" etc. In 1912. in the premises of the Winter Theater, concerts of the famous tenor L. Sobinov, the famous violinist B. Guberman and others took place. Following the Winter Theater, the Northern Theater was opened, the violinist K. Dumchev, the tragedian M. Dalsky, the Little Russian troupe S. Glazunenko, etc. ...

Quite often, famous guest performers performed within the walls of the Second Public Meeting: pop singers A. Vyaltseva, N. Plevitskaya, composers-pianists A. Scriabin, S. Rachmaninov, etc.

There were no professional theatrical companies in Yekaterinodar, so amateur associations that arose at charitable societies and educational institutions of the city developed greatly. The performances were most often timed to coincide with some kind of holiday or important event. If the performances were not of a charitable nature, then viewing them for everyone was free. The repertoire of amateur circles included such works as "The Minor" by D. Fonvizin, "The Marriage" and "The Inspector General" by N. Gogol, "Poverty is not a Vice" and "A Profitable Place" by A. Ostrovsky. Sometimes amateur actors put on light, meaningless vaudeville.

Summing up, we can state that the development of the Kuban culture in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. took place in specific conditions characteristic of the multinational "young" outskirts of the Russian Empire. The rich traditional culture of the peoples of the Kuban is developing in a growing professional culture, the works of Kuban artists, writers, musicians replenish the fund of national culture.

2. ART OF KUBAN OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE XX CENTURY

Significant positive changes took place in the 1970s in the cultural life of the region. During these years, 5 theaters, 3 philharmonic societies, 180 music and art schools, 6 specialized secondary educational institutions of culture, 1745 public libraries, 1879 club institutions worked in the Kuban. Farms and enterprises at the expense of budgetary funds and their own profits in these years built 177 cultural institutions, including clubs and houses of culture, cinemas, libraries. Dozens of music schools, amateur groups, circus studios, ensembles, choirs were created at enterprises, farms, institutions and organizations.

The musical culture of the Kuban was actively developing. The works of composers, especially G. Ponomarenko, N. Khlopkov, G. Plotnichenko, have become widely known outside our region. An invaluable contribution to the development of musical culture and the study of folk art was made by the Kuban Cossack Choir under the direction of V.G. Zakharchenko, who collected and processed thousands of folk songs, published unique musical literature, created talented original works.

The seventies became the time of the creative take-off of a number of theatrical groups of the Kuban.

Krasnodar Drama Theater. M. Gorky staged Russian and foreign classics, not disregarding the works of contemporary playwrights. Extraordinary stage solutions, original interpretation of the plays have created the reputation of an innovative theater for the Krasnodar “drama”. For staging the performances "Faust", "Kochubey" and "The Old Man" the chief director of the theater MA Kulikovsky was awarded the State Prize named after Stanislavsky, and later the title of People's Artist of the USSR.

Artistic director of the Krasnodar Operetta Theater Yu. Khmelnitsky has significantly updated the repertoire. The increasing popularity of their performances and their tours in the capital, which caused an interested response in the theatrical press, became an indicator of the success of the creative teams of drama and operetta theaters.

The Krasnodar People's Theater for Young Spectators, headed by S. Troisky, and the Krasnodar Puppet Theater, headed by A. Tuchkov, gained fame during these years.

Aspired to fruitful work and creative unions. The works of the writers of Kuban and Adygea were widely known and highly appreciated. V. Likhonosov (for the novel "Unwritten Memoirs"), A. Znamensky (for the novel-chronicle "Red Days") were awarded the State Prize of Russia. I. Mash-bash (for the novel "Thunderclaps of the Distant Thunder") was awarded the State Prize of the USSR.

The Krasnodar Writers 'Organization united about thirty members of the USSR Writers' Union. Among them are the talented poets V. Bakaldin, I. Varav-va, Yu. Grechko, V. Nepodoba, S. Khokhlov, famous prose writers I. Boyko, I. Zubenko, V. Loginov, L. Pasenyuk and others.

The regional organization of the Union of Artists included more than one hundred and twenty people. The works of V. Mordovin, G. Bulgakov, A. Kalugin, I. Konovalov, V. Mskhed and others were demonstrated with particular success at the zonal and all-Union art exhibitions.

However, the development of art, as well as of the entire socio-cultural sphere, was restrained by tough pressure from party-state control, ideological bias on the part of the relevant services of the region and the country as a whole.

3. ART OF MODERN KUBAN

Since 1992 (February - March), on the initiative of the Song Center of the composer G. Ponomarenko, created in December 1991, the Stars of Russia festival has been held. In Armavir, in December 1992, the international festival “Culture brings nations closer” began its journey. Since June 1993 the festival of symphonic and chamber music "Aeolian strings" has been held in the Kuban, in which the leading collectives of the country take part.

In September 1991, the Eighth All-Russian Pop Song Contest was held at the Krasnodar Operetta Theater. In November 1992, another competition was held here. Later, the Operetta Theater was repeatedly the venue for the All-Russian Competition of Operetta Artists, many of whose laureates joined the theater troupe.

October 1993 was the birth time of the South Wave rock festival, in which, apart from local groups, performers and ensembles who enjoy love and respect in Russia took part. Since 1993 (September - October) the International Festival of Organ Music has been held in the municipal concert hall of chamber and organ music with the participation of performers from Russia, Moldova, Latvia and Germany. In October 1996, the First Kuban Ballet Festival took place.

Kuban performers and collectives took part in many competitions and festivals in Russia and abroad, were awarded various prizes. Thus, the Kuban Cossack Choir received the T. Shevchenko State Prize of Ukraine. In February 1993, the Days of the Kuban took place in the Moscow Sovincent-re. In 1994, the Krasnodar Puppet Theater (artistic director A. Tuchkov) won first place at the Kazan Theater Festival. Actresses of the Krasnodar Drama Theater I. Makarevich and A. Kuznetsova became laureates of the "Actor's Stars of Russia" festival in Belgorod. Gelendzhik Theater "Tor-Ricos" received a prize in Spain for the play "The Love of Don Perlemplin". A native of Kuban, S. Zhenovach was awarded the Golden Mask theater prize for directing.

The organizers of the theatrical festival, which took place in Krasnodar, did a lot to popularize theatrical art. Sometimes it was attended not only by the Kuban theaters (drama theater, operetta theater, "Torrikos", theaters of Armavir and Maikop, etc.), but also theater groups from Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Since 1991, the Kinotavr film festival has been held in Sochi. At first, it had the status of a Russian open. Since 1994, Kinotavr has become an international festival. Many films premiered here, which subsequently received numerous international prizes.

In September 1992, the Russian Ki-noshok film festival took place in Anapa for the first time. Since 1994 it has become a festival of the CIS and Baltic countries. All the former republics of the USSR were given the opportunity not only to demonstrate their achievements, but also to hold seminars and scientific-practical meetings on the issues of cinematography and film distribution within the framework of the festival. If at first there were films here that "shocking" the public and specialists, then over time Anapa became a place for viewing genuine works of cinema from the countries of the former USSR. The film festival opened up an opportunity to exchange experiences of survival in the conditions of commercialization of cinematography and to find ways to reach the audience in a situation of deep crisis in film distribution.

Of the fifteen festivals regularly held in the CIS and the Baltic states, only Kinotavr and Kinoshock managed to maintain a high level of selection of films and organization of work with the cinematographic community and film lovers. This is also due to the fact that both festivals enjoy noticeable support from the Krasnodar Territory administration.

In addition, festivals were held in Adler (entertainment films) and Gelendzhik (detective films). The regional center also did not stand aside from the festival cinematic life. In October 1993, the First Krasnodar International Film Festival-Film Market of Comedy and Music Films took place. The second festival took place in 1996.

Film festivals were not limited only to competitive and non-competitive programs. Participants of the festivals, among whom were famous actors, including Kuban by origin (N. Mordyukova, L. Malevannaya), young "stars", met with the audience, acquainting them with the novelties of national cinema. Thus, domestic cinema kept in touch with the public during the crisis.

In the 1990s, the festival of folklore of the Kuban "Golden Apple" gained popularity. Since February 1993, in the hall of the Krasnodar Higher Musical College-College. ON. Rimsky-Korsakov, the festival “Ekaterinodar Musical Meetings” began to be held, and from May of the same year - “Kuban Musical Spring”. In May 1994, the municipal concert hall of Krasnodar entered the association of the best concert halls in Russia.

All this contributed to the growing interest of the Kuban people in art, and increased the number of visitors to concert and theater halls.

In the 90s, famous outside the Kuban writers V. Likhonosov and A. Znamensky for the works written during this period were awarded the literary prize named after M. Sholokhov.

In 1993, the All-Kuban Cossack Army established the Y. Kukharenko Prize in the field of literature and art.

At the end of the 1980s, the Literary Museum of the Kuban was solemnly opened in Krasnodar (in the house of Y. Kukharenko, a famous public figure of the 19th century). Museum workers have become not only the keepers of the traditions of the past, but also popularizers of the modern literary potential of the Kuban. Meetings take place here, during which creative plans and new works are discussed.

Kuban theaters worked hard. All this time, the Torrikos Theater existed in Gelendzhik, which demonstrated its performances at various festivals in the country and abroad, where its performances were accompanied by constant success. The main drama theater of the Kuban in 1996 received the title of academic. His collective built its repertoire on the basis of the works of N. Gogol, F. Dostoevsky, A. Chekhov, M. Gorky, M. Bulgakov, L. Leonov, the Kuban poet I. Varavva. The Musical Theater staged incendiary operettas by F. Lehar, I. Kalman, I. Strauss, as well as operas. Plays were created especially for the Kuban theaters; leading directors of the country came here.

Already in the late 1980s, a chamber choir under the direction of V. Yakovlev was organized at the Krasnodar Regional Branch of the Union of Composers of Russia. The choir, whose repertoire was based on Russian classical and sacred music, works by contemporary composers and arrangements of folk songs, quickly reached a high professional level and became a philharmonic collective. Since 1992 it has been the Krasnodar State Chamber Choir.

The State Kuban Cossack Choir under the direction of the People's Artist of Russia and Ukraine V. Zakharchenko gained wide popularity in the country and abroad. On its basis, the Kuban Folk Culture Center was created, at which a children's experimental school of folk art was organized.

In the 90s, the titles "Honored Art Worker of the Kuban", "Honored Worker of Culture of the Kuban", "Honored Artist of the Kuban", "Honored Worker of the Kuban Cinema" were introduced.

Since June 1992 the Krasnodar Center of National Cultures has been actively working. It was called "to promote the formation of national identity, more complete and deeper development and mutual enrichment of traditional cultures of different peoples, to unite their efforts to protect universal human values, to solve humanitarian and cultural problems."

In the early 1990s, new television companies began to emerge. Along with the Kuban State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, Pioneer, Foton, ABC, Contact and others went on the air. They created original programs dedicated to the cultural life of the region. Since 1996, a festival of television programs in the South of Russia has been held. In 1997, Krasnodar hosted an advertising festival for the South of Russia.

In 1990, the Krasnodar Creative Association "Premiere" was created, which initially existed as a touring musical theater. Gradually, the composition of the association, headed by People's Artist of Russia L. Gatov, has expanded significantly. It includes the Kuban Symphony Orchestra, Organ Hall, Youth Theater, New Puppet Theater and other groups.

Since the early 1990s, the fine arts have flourished. The predominance of color over form, bright decorativeness and monumentality, poetry and festivity are the features that distinguish the works of Kuban painters. The commonality of a territory teeming with sunlight, the presence in Krasnodar of an art school and the art and graphic faculty of the Kuban State University (most of the Kuban painters and graphic artists are their graduates) determined the similarity of aesthetic principles that are the basis of the original Kuban school of fine arts.

The art museum, exhibition hall, commercial galleries allowed the Kuban artists to acquaint their fellow countrymen and guests of the Kuban with their work. Almost all masters took part in exhibitions of the local branch of the Union of Artists of Russia. The works of artists: O. and L. Blokhin, A. Parshkov, E. Kazitsyn, works of sculptors A. Apollonov, A. Karnaev and others aroused great interest among specialists and the public.

Historical turning points are often viewed as not the best time for cultural development. But this is the case if "development" is understood as an ascent along the steps of progress. However, a different understanding of the term “development” has been established in art criticism, returning to the original meaning of the word: development as change. With such an approach, any critical era can be viewed as a period of a surge in interest in culture in all its manifestations. On the one hand, there is a lack of large material resources capable of supporting, as a rule, an always unprofitable cultural space, on the other, an unbreakable desire to create and create imperishable values \u200b\u200bfor people that do not deny the past, but supplement it.

In the early 90s, the orientation towards a single ideological substantiation of cultural processes gradually receded into the past. However, the lack of common ideological messages caused confusion, first among the subjects of the cultural space, and then among those who shape cultural policy. This was expressed in the search for new foundations of collective self-identification. Their support was the return to traditions associated with patriotism, love for the Motherland, and historical values.

Pluralism in approaches to cultural development is reflected in the diversity of forms of cultural life associated with the national, confessional, demographic and, in general, with the socio-cultural identity of the region. All this caused heated discussions about the fate of culture. Complaints about a deep spiritual crisis are opposed by optimism associated with the emergence of new opportunities to familiarize people with cultural values. The phenomenon of mass culture does not always evoke an adequate reaction both in official circles and among representatives of other groups of the population; the problem of protecting and preserving the cultural heritage of the past remains very acute.

However, in general, it can be noted that thanks to the changes that have taken place, the cultural life of the Kuban has become richer and more diverse.

CONCLUSION

The Krasnodar Territory stands out for its special Cossack culture, in Krasnodar there is the State Cossack Choir (by the way, known all over the world) and the Center of Folk Culture of the Kuban. There are drama, operetta, puppet theaters, a philharmonic society, a circus, museums and a university. There is a planetarium in Novorossiysk. With a rich history and beautiful nature, the region has a huge number of the most diverse historical, cultural, archaeological and natural attractions on its territory, especially on the Black Sea coast.

LIST OF REFERENCES

    Bransky. Art and philosophy. Kaliningrad, 1999.

  1. Gorlova I.I. Cultural Policy in Contemporary Russia: Regional Aspect. Krasnodar, 1998.
    System of social and cultural institutions THE PHENOMENON OF ART CULTURE AND FACTORS AFFECTING ITS DEVELOPMENT

    2014-12-06

Modern Russia bears little resemblance to the monarchist Russia of the beginning of the last century, different living conditions, a different political system, ideology and regime. At the same time, the problems facing Russian society today are in many respects consonant with the issues that Russia was solving at the beginning of the 20th century. Today, as well as a hundred years ago, the spiritual revival of the nation, its consolidation, the choice of a general course for the country's further development is urgent. In this connection, the problem of the relationship between the Church and the state, the definition of the role and place of Orthodoxy in the life of Russian society, is again topical.

All-Russian problems are most clearly seen through the prism of a regional approach. By the beginning of the twentieth century, Orthodoxy in Russia had two statuses. On the one hand, this was the most numerous religious denomination, on the other hand, as a result of a purposeful centuries-old policy pursued by the monarchical government, Orthodoxy performed the function of state ideology. It is no coincidence that all political theories of Russia had an Orthodox accent.

The conservative (as a rule, consisted of the indigenous Black Sea clergy, regimental priests, black clergy) advocated maintaining faithfulness to the canons of Orthodoxy and the immediate restoration of the patriarchate. He had a negative attitude towards revolutionary events.

Radical (in the Kuban it was not numerous, it included mainly the highest ranks of the white clergy and some representatives of the black), in many respects agreeing with the conservatives, representatives of this trend called for more decisive actions. In their opinion, it is the Orthodox clergy who should lead the fight against the revolutionary movement and assist in the restoration of the monarchy. Many of this milieu became members of organizations such as the Archangel Michael Society and the Black Hundred.

At the same time, despite all of the above, in comparison with the central provinces of Russia, the position of the Orthodox Church in the Kuban was still strong, which was largely facilitated by the presence of the Cossack population, most of which remained deeply religious people. At this time, the only disagreement among the clergy and the Cossacks was the material issue. The Cossacks did not really want to support their clergy, discontent was also caused by the allotment of land to the clergy from the stanitsa share. But there were not many confrontations on this basis.

It is no coincidence that, despite the negative consequences of the manifesto on religious tolerance, the positions of Orthodoxy were still strong here, although they underwent some changes.

Summing up all of the above, we can draw the following conclusions:

1. the main factor that played an important role in the development of revolutionary events was the weakening of spirituality in society.

2.The moral crisis was largely due to the following points:

- the transformation of the Church into one of the departments of the state;

- the formation of two hypostases of Orthodoxy: religious and ideological. The transformation of Orthodoxy into a state ideology undermined confidence in it as a religion;

- the fascination of the political elite of Russia with the democratic slogans and values \u200b\u200bof Western society and their widespread propaganda;

- weakening of the state system of patriotic education.

Bibliographic list.

1. State Archives of the Stavropol Territory (hereinafter GASK) - Form 135. - Ref. 56. - D.264. - L. 18.

2. GASK. - F. 135. - Op. 47. - D.5. - L. 57.

3. GASK. - F. 135. - Op. 41. –D.24. –L. 7.

4. Stavropol Diocesan Gazette 1905.

5. Stavropol Diocesan Gazette 1906. No. 34-35. The department is unofficial.

6. Stavropol Diocesan Gazette 1907. No. 46-47. The department is unofficial.

7. Stavropol Diocesan Gazette. Stavropol, 1917. No. 13-14. The department is unofficial.

M.Yu. CITIZEN

phD in History, Associate Professor of the Kuban State University

Material published: Gorozhanina M.Yu.The activities of the Orthodox clergy of the Kuban Cossacks at the beginning of the XX century [Electronic resource] // Scientific journal KubGAU. No. 111 (07). 2015. URL: http://ej.kubagro.ru/2015/07/pdf/02.pdf (Retrieved March 18, 2016)

The traditional spiritual culture of the Kuban Cossacks is rich and complex. In many ways, rituals and customs are associated with both Orthodoxy and the military way of life.

The Christian holidays of the Protection of the Most Holy Theotokos and Nicholas the Wonderworker enjoy special respect among the Cossacks.

The Most Holy Theotokos has long been considered the intercessor of the Russian land, and the Protection of the Mother of God was a symbol of her intercession and help.

Therefore, the holiday of the Intercession among the Cossacks is considered the most important.

Saint Nicholas the Wonderworker - the patron saint of all wanderers - accompanied the Cossacks on military campaigns.

Christianity came to the Kuban land together with Andrew the First-Called, 40 years after the birth of Jesus Christ. An interesting fact is that in the Kuban, the holiday of the Nativity of Christ began to be celebrated 1000 years earlier than in Kiev.

Christmastide was celebrated approximately the same throughout the Kuban land. In the villages and farms, a ban was imposed on work and was observed quite strictly. People went to visit each other, sleigh rides, organized youth festivities. Fist fights, the so-called "fists", were popular in many villages. In the Kuban, a whole layer of proverbs, sayings and riddles related to fist fighting has formed. The fist fighter appreciated not only strength: "A hero's hand beats once," but also quickness and dexterity: "That is not a Cossack, sho extortion, but one that shook himself out." The decisive role was assigned to the courage and bravery of the fighters: "Fight loves courage", "Back tiki crayfish climb." Great importance was attached to the observance of the rules of the battle: "Ne that right, that is stronger, and that one is more honest." Usually, fistfights were fought "for justice", while blatant violation of the rules for conducting a fight or provoking a fight was blamed: "He who starts a fight is more often beaten."

In the course of the fist fight, the Cossacks mastered the techniques of collective interaction in the conduct of battle. The effectiveness of this approach was expressed in the proverb: "Gurt and dad are kind bits."

One of the methods of conducting a fist fight, associated with group actions of fighters, was reflected in the riddle: "The men stood in a row, they are not allowed to pass." The answer is the wattle fence. The wattle fence here is associated with a "wall" - a special construction of fist fighters, in which they are in a fighting stance, placing themselves in one line and becoming close to each other.

It should be noted that fistfights did not carry much aggressiveness towards the opponent. After the end of the battle, a joint feast was usually arranged, during which the participants discussed the course of the battle, methods of waging the fight, characterized the fighters by their demonstrated abilities. This contributed to the clarification of individual points and the analysis of the entire collective fight. We discussed the noticed shortcomings and tactical successes.

So, after a Christmas walk, the whole family usually sat down at the table. They tried to make the table plentiful. Kutya, a crumbly porridge made from wheat or rice with dried fruits, was always prepared; straw was laid under the bowl so that there was a good harvest.

On Christmas morning, boys, youths and young men went from house to house and sang "Thy Christmas, Christ our God" and "Many years." In some villages, they walked with a nativity scene or made a Christmas star with a candle inserted inside and so they went around the house.

Epiphany Christmas Eve ended. They all sat down to supper. The owner went out onto the porch and said, throwing up a spoonful of kutya: "Frost, Frost, come to us with kutya, but don't freeze our calves, lambs, foals." It was believed that in this way pets would be reliably protected from the cold.

Kutia - the memorial meal - did not appear on Epiphany Christmas Eve by accident. Thus, it was as if the passing, dying year and deceased ancestors were commemorated. It was believed that if, at the turning points of the year, the souls of deceased ancestors should be properly pacified, they would help ensure a good harvest and the well-being of the family in the coming year ...

Anyone who sneezed during dinner was considered happy, and was presented with something. Then everyone went out into the yard and pounded on the fence with shovels, brooms, and fired from guns.

The central action of the feast of Epiphany was the blessing of water and rituals associated with Epiphany water. Blessing of water took place on the river at dawn. They made Jordan on the river: they cut a hole in the shape of a cross. An ice cross was also installed here, which was watered with red beet kvass. They went here with a procession, sanctified the water.

The great consecration of water happens only at Epiphany, once a year. The consecrated water is called agiasma (Christmastide) in the church. Holy water is kept all year round. As Orthodox priests say, on this day even water from a tap or from some natural source has the same spiritual effect ...

Throughout Christmastide, but especially on the night of Christmas, New Year and Epiphany, the girls wondered, trying to find out if they would get married this year, what their husband and mother-in-law would be like.

The baptism ended the Christmas fun.

Widely and cheerfully saw off the winter on Maslenitsa. This holiday was very popular both in the villages, and in cities and towns and lasted the whole week, which is popularly called oil. The first day is the meeting of Maslenitsa, the second is knitting of blocks, and from Thursday the forgiven days began, ending with the forgiveness Sunday. This week, everyone went to visit each other, rode down the icy mountains, burned stuffed animals.

The obligatory dishes were dumplings with cottage cheese, pancakes and scrambled eggs or eggs. The noodle maker was popular. The supper on the last day of Maslenitsa was especially plentiful - the next day, Great Lent began, which lasted seven weeks. Great Lent is a period of physical and spiritual cleansing before the Bright Resurrection of Christ, before Easter. In the Kuban this holiday was called "Vylyk Day".

Easter is a bright and solemn holiday of renewal. On this day, they tried to put on everything new. Even the sun rejoices, plays with new colors.

They cooked a festive meal, roasted a pig, baked Easter cakes, "pasties".

The eggs were painted in different colors: red symbolized blood, fire, sun, blue - sky, water, green - grass, vegetation. In some villages, a geometric pattern was applied - Easter eggs. And the ritual bread - "paska" - was a real work of art. They tried to make it tall, decorate the "head" with cones, flowers, figurines of birds, crosses, smeared with egg white, sprinkled with colored millet.

Easter "still life" was an excellent illustration of the mythological ideas of our ancestors: bread is the tree of life, a pig is a symbol of fertility, an egg is the beginning of life, vital energy.

Returning from the church after the consecration of the ritual food, they washed themselves with water, in which there was a red "dye", in order to be beautiful and healthy. We talked with egg and pasque. They were gifted to the poor, exchanged with relatives and neighbors.

The playful, entertaining side of the holiday was very rich: driving round dances, playing with dyes, swings and carousels were arranged in each village. Swinging had a ritual significance - it was supposed to stimulate the growth of all living things.

Easter ended with Krasnaya Gorka, or Wires, a week after Easter Sunday. It was "parental day", commemoration of the dead.

The attitude to ancestors is an indicator of the moral state of society, people. In the Kuban, ancestors have always been treated with deep respect. On this day, the whole village went to the cemetery, knitted kerchiefs and towels on crosses, arranged a memorial feast, and handed out food and sweets "for commemoration".

Cossacks are characterized by generosity, honesty, selflessness, constancy in friendship, love of freedom, respect for elders, simplicity, hospitality,

Moderation and ingenuity in everyday life.

Life and service in the border zone proceeded in constant danger from neighbors, which made it necessary to be always ready to repel an enemy attack.

Therefore, a Cossack must be brave, strong, dexterous, enduring, good at using cold steel and firearms.

A life full of dangers developed in people a strong character, fearlessness, resourcefulness, the ability to adapt to the environment.

The men went fishing and field work with weapons. Girls and women were also able to wield firearms and knives.

Therefore, often the whole family could defend their home and property with arms in hand.

The families of the Cossacks were strong and friendly. The basis for the formation of the moral and ethical foundations of the Cossack family was the 10 commandments of Christ. From an early age, children were taught: do not steal, do not fornicate, do not kill, do not envy and say goodbye to offenders, work conscientiously, do not offend orphans and widows, help the poor, take care of your children and parents, protect the Fatherland from enemies.

But first of all, strengthen the Orthodox faith: go to church, observe fasts, cleanse your soul from sins through repentance, pray to God alone, Jesus Christ.

If someone can do something, then we can't - we are Cossacks.

It turns out a kind of unwritten household laws:

respectful attitude towards elders;

respect for a woman (mother, sister, wife);

honoring the guest.

Traditions were observed very strictly along with the commandments of the Lord,

customs, beliefs, which were a vital necessity of the Cossack family. Non-observance or violation of them was condemned by all residents of the stanitsa, village or farm.

Over time, some customs and traditions disappeared, but those that most fully reflect the everyday and cultural characteristics of the Cossacks, preserved in the memory of the people and passed down from generation to generation, remained.

Kuban, due to the peculiarities of its historical development, is a unique region, where over the centuries the elements of the cultures of the South Russian, Ukrainian and local peoples interacted and formed into one whole.

SETTLEMENTS. HOUSING. Most of the modern Cossack settlements of the Kuban arose in the late 18th and during the 19th centuries. when developing new lands. The northern and northwestern parts of the region were settled mainly by the Ukrainian population. The Cossacks located their kurens on the banks of the steppe rivers, which were built up with straight wide streets with a central square and a church in the middle. The village was surrounded by a moat and an earthen rampart.

Since 1842 kurens began to be called stanitsa, as in other Cossack troops of Russia.

The huts were built in the Ukrainian or South Russian tradition. They were adobe or adobe with hipped roofs, covered with reeds or thatch. Almost every hut had a Russian stove and a "red" corner with an icon under the towel. Photos hung on the walls - traditional relics of Cossack families with stories, seeing off and serving in the army, weddings, christenings, and other holidays.

FAMILY AND SOCIAL LIFE. At the beginning of the settlement of the Kuban, single Cossacks prevailed.

During the first half of the 19th century, the government took a number of measures to resettle the female population to the Cossack villages - widows, girls, families with a large number of women. Family life was gradually improving.

Due to the specific way of life, the Cossack families were large.

The main duty of the Cossack was military service. Each Cossack had a horse, a loyal friend. They say the Cossack and the horse are a single whole.

Indeed, the father put the child in the saddle from a very early age. Sometimes the child also did not know how to walk, but held on tightly in the saddle. Therefore, by the time he reached the age of 18, the young Cossack always took part in the Cossack races, which served as initiation into adulthood. The Kuban Cossacks were natural cavalrymen. Much attention was paid to caring for the horse and feeding it. There are many sayings reflecting the attitude of the Cossack to the horse: "Everything can be given to a friend, except for a war horse", "A horse is your life, it is your death, it is your happiness."

Therefore, participation for the young Cossack in the village races became a real holiday.

Equestrian competitions were usually held in the square. This area was kept in perfect order. Even in the mud it was not washed out by wheels and drove past the courtyards that surrounded it on three sides: on the fourth it was closed by a river cliff.

So, the area is full of people: the first arrival is coming soon. Here the Cossacks rush past machines, stuffed animals, a tourniquet, a head of clay, their naked checkers shine in the sun. Each successful blow is accompanied by an approving roar of the crowd, closely watching the riders ...

According to custom, the horses were saddled by the porch of the house. The mother took turns feeding the equipment and the reins, supporting the stirrup and feeding the whip, as was done on the father's wires.

Arriving at the place of the races, checking the girths, picking up the floors of the beshmet, at the signal of the sergeant, the Cossack was removed from the place by the quarry and tied the reins. The horse, ears pressed, walked like a cord. Then the Cossack threw out his body on the move, hit his socks on the ground on the left side and easily flew to the right, fought back and again found himself on the left. It seems that someone's invisible huge hand is playing the ball, choosing this racing long-maned horse for fun. Faces flash by, shouts of approval grow and disappear, hats fly up. The last throw - and the Cossack flops down on the pillow, swaying, unties the rein.

At least 30 Cossacks usually attended the prize race. Closer to the coastline, people came up with scarves, in which money and various gifts were wrapped. Modestly glancing, pressing the bundles with intricately embroidered pouches for those dear to the heart, the girls are waiting for the arrival. When the Cossacks walk in a circle, each will throw a handkerchief to the chosen rider. Shame on those who fail to catch the beloved's handkerchief! Then a bad reputation will follow that Cossack on his heels. The loser girls will mock, and the father of the offended girl will have the right to send the matchmakers ...

The races are over. The decision of the chieftain and electives to award the Cossack was announced. For their daring in equestrian competitions, the Cossack was awarded 25 rubles, and was awarded the first Cossack rank of junior sergeant. The chieftain, taking off his cap, with a dagger tore off the braids on the top and passed them to the winner.

Equestrian competitions were a demonstration of the readiness of the Cossacks for military campaigns and battles.

Currently, this type of sports competition is called horse riding. In the dictionary of S. Ozhegov we read: "Horse riding is a variety of complex exercises on a galloping horse, which originally existed among the Caucasian highlanders and Cossacks."

At the holiday dedicated to the 200th anniversary of the Kuban Cossack army, along with adult Cossacks, teenagers took part in horse riding. There are known cases of participation in open competitions with male Cossack women who won prizes.

Due to its aesthetic beauty and sports entertainment, the horse riding of the Kuban Cossacks has become widely known not only in Russia, but also abroad. Horse riding is a kind of phenomenon of traditional Cossack culture, a real art of horseback riding, when a rider merges with a horse, playing with every muscle of a trained body. This is an effective means of physical education and moral and psychological training of the Cossacks. This is a significant component of the historically developed culture of the Cossacks.

Lecture 6. Features of the religiosity of the Cossacks Religiousness was the basis of the spiritual views of the Kuban Cossacks. The motto "For the faith!" they inherited it from Zaporozhye and the Don, preserved it, going to the Kuban to protect the Russian borders from people of a different, non-Christian faith.


The Black Sea people were especially religious. Satisfaction of religious needs in their lives played a very important role. The roots of this phenomenon come from the traditions of the Zaporozhye Sich. In Zaporozhye, when a newcomer was accepted into the Cossack brotherhood, one of the main conditions was for him to confess the Orthodox faith.


The protection of the faith of the ancestors and the Orthodox Church was the basis of the entire life of the Cossacks. - Under the influence of a truly religious feeling, some of the Zaporozhye Cossacks, avoiding the cheerful, noisy and free life in the Sich, went into dense forests, coastal caves, river floodplains and there "were saved in Christ." - Some built chapels, hermitages in their winter quarters, in their own dwellings they separated special "gods", etc. - Representatives of the military foreman kept Greek and Slavic monks with them, took their advice and tried to live according to their instructions.


Donations of the Cossacks to the Church Evidence of the great zeal of the Cossacks for the temple of God was their frequent wills of their property, in case of death, in favor of the church and the clergy, donations and contributions to monasteries and parish churches in money, books, vessels, icons, crosses, bells, etc.


Camping churches Immediately upon their arrival in the Kuban, the Black Sea people built a camp church made of cloth. The Synod, by order of Empress Catherine II, by a decree on March 4, 1794, decided to classify the Black Sea region as the Feodosia diocese and gave general instructions on the organization of churches and the organization of the clergy.


The religiosity of the Cossacks and their successors, the Black Sea people, was emphasized by the fact that the Cossacks began all important affairs with prayer, carried their pectoral cross and believed in its saving power. During the service, the Cossacks behaved decently. When reading the Gospel, the Zaporozhian Cossacks straightened up to their full height, took hold of the hilt of sabers and took out the blades up to half from the scabbard - as a sign of their readiness to defend the word of God with weapons from enemies of the Christian faith. In the Kuban, this custom was somewhat transformed: cold weapons were half removed from their scabbard in front of the entrance to the temple.


Construction of temples In choosing places to build their temple, the Cossacks were guided not only by strategic considerations, but also by artistic, especially religious, feelings. In the most beautiful and open place they erected a church, and only then they erected other buildings necessary for housing: "Let the temple of God flaunt in heavenly height and let holy prayers rush about us right from the earth to the throne of the Lord God."


Construction of a military church in the Kuban Having settled in the Kuban, the former Zaporozhian Cossacks - the Black Sea people, first of all, began to build a military cathedral in Yekaterinodar. To preserve the memory of native Zaporozhye, of antiquity, it was supposed to build a cathedral on the model of the temple that existed in Sich, but on a larger scale. The foundation stone of the Church of the Resurrection of Christ took place in the summer of 1800. In 1802 the temple was consecrated



The originality of the religiosity of the Cossacks In the Kuban in the second half of the XIX century. regarding the religiosity of the Cossacks, they said: “If a Cossack lit a candle to God, sent a prayer service to all the saints, then he already considers himself a saint.” Metropolitan Evlogiy noted: “The Cossack simply believes, without delving into the secrets of faith, believes conservatively, but firmly, loves his The Church with all her soul and will never change her


Conclusion Any renewal of theological teaching or internal church life was perceived by the Cossacks as an encroachment on centuries-old Orthodox traditions. During the formation of Soviet power, the Cossacks met "with hostility" a fierce struggle with the church and religion. In some villages, Cossacks took their children out of schools on the grounds that the teaching of the Law of God was canceled. Cossacks protested against closing churches and turning them into clubs. In the current conditions, religion as a part of spiritual life is reviving in the post-Soviet space, just as the Cossacks are reviving.